Friday, April 27, 2012

THE FED

  WHAT FEDERAL WORKERS SAY ABOUT WHISTLEBLOWING


By Corey McCarren for GovLoop

Whistleblowing is often openly encouraged by government, but is it really widely supported?  In light of the recent General Services Administration scandal, Acting Director Dan Tangherlini and Inspector General Brian Miller have asked staffers to speak up if they have encountered things that “don’t seem right” within the agency.

They say GSA workers will be protected if they sound the alarm on internal issues. But some federal employees told us that isn’t always the case.

The Federal Eye and GovLoop teamed up to ask if whistleblowing is really welcome in the federal ranks. Here are responses from workers and other observers:

“The problems here never fully go away because the tensions here are ongoing and the spirit of openness required must be reinvigorated on a regular basis.

“In my earlier professional life I spent 25 years as a public sector labor union rep. I was involved in dozens of whistleblower cases and followed hundreds of others. Management attitude and agency culture are a big part of the equation, but can often turn on a dime when new political appointees come in to head agencies.

“I urge institutional protections: collective bargaining agreement provisions, statutory protections (including hefty sanctions against those who try to enforce cultures of silence), and civil service code provisions.” — Dennis Boyer, Project Director at the Interactive Foundation , on GovLoop

“Your agency could lay out a gold-embroidered welcome mat for whistleblowing, but ultimately anyone who points a finger is obligating others to either side with them, or side with the proposed offender.

“There is rarely any neutral ground, unless one is very far removed from the actions or unit being disclosed. The law certainly dictates what is and isn’t acceptable legally, but it has no means to manage or finesse the etiquette surrounding intra-group relations.” — Mark Hammer, a public sector analyst, on GovLoop

“I do not feel comfortable speaking up in my agency and I would have no idea who to tell when I see waste, fraud and abuse (and I have seen waste and abuse).

“When I contact HR about personal problems, my manager is always notified or cc’ed on e-mails. We aren’t allowed to meet with HR in person (they’ve been moved outside of D.C. to save money). We also are not allowed to speak to our boss’s boss. I really feel like if I did become a whistleblower, it would impact me at work.” — Dept. of Interior employee

“I’m going to bet that those who work in agencies where whistleblowing is unwelcome will find that reporting of any kind of management corruption, employee abuse, bullying, discrimination will result in retaliation. It’s unfortunate and I hope I’m wrong. I hope people do speak up, and hope agencies support them doing so, but this is my guess: most can’t speak up without serious repercussions, thus answers to this question may be skewed to the fortunate few who can have both a voice, and a job.” — Lauren Hayes, an IT Generalist for the Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Protection, on GovLoop

“The GSA scandal will not lead to more whistleblowers.Yes, it’s true, there are many conscientious federal employees. These same employees have seen numerous cases of fraud, waste or abuse throughout their agencies and careers. But when a federal employee blows the whistle on fraud, waste, or abuse, a large target is placed on the employee’s back. By blowing the whistle, the employee enters the cross-hairs of the agency. And most agencies will dedicate large sums of taxpayer’s money and conduct investigations that may last for years to get the whistleblower and more importantly, to ‘set the tone for anyone thinking of becoming a whistleblower in the future.’...

“The bottom line: Be cautious, whistleblowing offers no protection for the employee and remains second to politics of the agency. A whistleblower will be harassed and isolated from information necessary for them to perform their duties, and therein begins the cycle of a poor performer and the first step towards removal from service.” — TSA employee

Have thoughts on whether the GSA scandal will improve conditions for whistleblowers within the government? Share them on Twitter using #FedBuzz.


Blogger's Note:  At some agencies, you have supervisors in the Inspector General's Office (IG) proselytizing their religious beliefs; creating a hostile environment for anyone who does not agree.  That situation has no place in any government agency, but when it happens in the IG's office, who do you go to?  Agencies, are sued again, and again, and again for the same type of behaviours - firing a transgender person, firing a gay person, discriminating against African Americans, discriminating against Arab Americans.  It makes the front page of the Washington Post and nothing happens.  Lawsuits are filed, Defendants win thousands, hundreds of thousands, millions of dollars. of tax payer monies, and no one is responsible.  The leadership doesn't change, senior managers don't change.  Their behavior doesn't change.  The only repercussion is for the taxpayer. 

Do you think employees don't see this?  A five year old could figure it out.  If you need your job, you had better keep your mouth shut.  That's why we have Secret Service agents saying they shouldn't get fired because the Agency has permitted carousing with prostitutes in the past - and Janet Napolitano claiming this is an isolated incident. 

The situation is abysmal.  On the one hand you have agency officials telling you we want to know what's happening; and on the other the President vetoes protections for whistleblowers. 

First of all the agency officials know what's going on - they know if you hang a picture in your office.  If they don't know, it's because they press their little faces to the wall in fear of having to DO their job.  Fraud Waste and Abuse?  The first place the investigations should start is with agency leadership and the Inspector General's Office.  And when no one is fired, or demoted, as a result of the findings, we should all want to know why.  It's our money.  

This is the REAL reason the GOP is afraid of Obamacare:

Insurance rebates totalling $1.3 BILLION
could be on the way to CONSUMERS
this summer, study says



 By N.C. Aizenman, Published: April 26 The Washington Post

This summer millions of Americans could find a check in the mail from an unexpected source: their health-insurance company.  Consumers and businesses will receive about $1.3 billion by this August... from insurance plans that failed to meet a new standard in the 2010 health-care law, according to estimates released Thursday by the independent Kaiser Family Foundation. (That’s assuming the law, or at least the portion of it containing the rule, is upheld by the Supreme Court, which is expected to issue its decision in late June.)

The rule requires most insurers to spend at least 80 percent of the premiums they collect from customers on health-care claims or quality improvement efforts — leaving no more than 20 percent for administrative expenses, such as salaries and marketing, and profits for investors.

This “medical loss ratio” requirement took effect on Jan. 1, 2011, so under current law, any plans that exceeded their limits last year must refund customers the difference by Aug. 1.   The amount will vary by state and plan, ranging from about a dollar to more than $500.

Not all rebates will be issued in the form of a check. In some cases, insurers could give consumers and employers discounts on future premiums. Rebates on employer-purchased plans will generally be provided to the employer, which may opt to pass them on to workers.

The official tally won’t be known for weeks, but researchers at Kaiser came up with an initial estimate by analyzing preliminary data that insurers recently submitted to state regulators.   They found that at least 486 plans covering 15.8 million people will have to issue refunds. And the number could be higher because data for California were unavailable.

Some plans last year set their premiums too high because they overestimated the amount of medical care their customers would use, said Larry Levitt, an author of the Kaiser report.

“Since the recession, patients have been going to the doctor less and have been having fewer elective procedures because they don’t feel economically secure,” he said. “And it’s now two years running that insurers expected things to bounce back, and they haven’t.”

Other plans sought to give themselves a cushion, reasoning that it would be better to risk paying rebates than to set premiums too low to cover costs.

People who have purchased plans for themselves are the most likely to get rebates. Nationwide, about one-third of those individuals will receive rebates, while about one-fourth of those covered through small businesses and one-fifth of those covered by large businesses will get rebates.

However, those shares and the average amount of the rebates will differ widely by state — partly due to local market factors and partly because of variation in state rules.

So, while about 92 percent of individual-plan holders in Texas will be getting rebates, in Vermont, Rhode Island and Iowa, less than 1 percent of such individuals can expect them. The average rebate per enrollee in such plans will be highest in Alaska ($304.99) and Maryland ($294), according to Kaiser’s estimate. In New Mexico and Vermont, rebates will average barely more than a dollar.

The medical-loss-ratio rule does not apply to “self-insured” plans, in which an employer collects premiums from workers directly, adds its own contribution and pays for health care out of the pot — often paying an insurance company to simply administer the plan.

Supporters of the rule contend that it helps consumers get better value for their premium dollar. But Robert Laszewski, a health-care industry consultant and former insurance executive, said that rather than sacrificing profits, many insurers have cut administrative costs in ways that could ultimately be passed on to customers.

Perhaps most importantly, he said, the rule does not address the main driver of insurance premiums: Health-care costs continue to grow faster than wages and the rest of the economy.

“This rule doesn’t make health insurance any more affordable,” he said.

Those concerns were echoed by America’s Health Insurance Plans, an industry trade group, which also complained in a statement that the rule would cause coverage disruptions that “are likely to outweigh any benefit these rebates will provide to consumers.” BULLSH*T

Blogger's Note:  Now the truth comes out.  It is not about abortion, it is not about birth control, or the deficit.  It is not even about the poor.  It is about MONEY.  How could we be so dumb - it is ALWAYS about money with the GOP.  And you can bet that Majority Whip Bonehead and the rest of those vested in the medical services and insurance companies, are not about to lay down while OUR President takes money out of their pockets and returns it to the people.  Not with Pharma collecting billions in funds to cloak the wolf in sheeps skin.  It ain't gonna happen.  And so I predict that the thieves on the Hill (and on the Supreme Court) will once again reign - but only until October. 



Wednesday, April 25, 2012

Virginia teacher arrested for allegedly firing blanks at students

Manuael Ernest Dillo, teacher Abingdon, VA



By Eric Pfeiffer | The Sideshow – Mon, Apr 23, 2012

Manuael Ernest Dillow has been charged with firing blank rounds at 12 Virginia students. (Kingsport Times)A Virginia teacher has been charged with 12 felony counts after allegedly pulling a blank firing gun on his students and firing several times.

"One for each student who was in there. And basically the charges result of inciting fear into the students," Washington County Sheriff Fred Newman told KSDK.com.

The incident occurred just days after the five-year-anniversary of the Virginia Tech shootings, during which 32 people were shot by a mentally ill student.

The Kingsport Times reports that Manuael Ernest Dillow, 60, was teaching a welding class at an Abingdon, Virginia, vocational school when he reportedly "gathered" the attention of his students by forcing them to line up.

"He then pulled a 'blank firing handgun,' black in color, from the back waistband of his pants and discharged the weapon between four and ten shots in the direction of the line of the students," according to a police statement. "The 'report' of the firearm was similar to that of a firearm that fires a projectile, thus placing the students in fear, according to statements. No students were physically injured as a result of the incident."

Sheriff Newman said Dillow apparently borrowed the gun, which is not capable of shooting actual bullets, from another school department.

The Washington County Sheriff's Office says the charges levied against Dillow are all class 6 felonies, each punishable by up to five years in prison and a $2,500 fine. Dillow has since been released on a $20,000 bond.

The police department has not yet said why Dillow allegedly fired the blanks at the students, but he has been removed from his teaching position while the investigation continues
Secret Service Agents say they should not be fired 
because their Agency has tolerated 
this behavior in the past.


By Carol D. Leonnig and David Nakamura, Published: April 24

Some Secret Service employees accused of misconduct in the Colombian prostitution scandal are privately contending that their conduct didn’t warrant dismissal because senior managers tolerated similar behavior during official trips, according to people familiar with the employees’ thinking.




Several of the men who agreed to resign under pressure last week are also considering reversing their decisions and fighting to keep their jobs, said the people knowledgeable about the case.

Bob Woodward, associate editor of The Washington Post, who's covered Washington scandals going back to Watergate, talks to Charlie Rose and Erica Hill about the Secret Service scandal, the economy, and the death of Nixon "hatchet man," Chuck Colson.

The prospect of Secret Service agents sharing embarrassing tales about rank-and-file employees and superiors partying to the hilt could bring more anguish to an agency reeling from scandal.

Those close to the accused employees said that in an effort to fight for their jobs they could opt to divulge details of how colleagues spent some of their downtime on presidential trips — drinking heavily, visiting strip clubs and cavorting with women for hire.

“Of course it has happened before” said one agent not implicated in the matter, remarking on the Secret Service’s history of occasionally licentious partying. “This is not the first time. It really only blew up in this case because the [U.S. Embassy] was alerted.”

In a statement Tuesday, Assistant Director Paul S. Morrissey said the service “is committed to conducting a full, thorough and fair investigation in this matter, and will not hesitate to take appropriate action should any additional information come to light.”

President Obama, visiting the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill on Tuesday, faced questions from late-night host Jimmy Fallon about the quality of the president’s protectors. Obama stressed that the actions of a few should not overshadow the dedication of the agency.

“The Secret Service, these guys are incredible,” Obama said, according to a press pool report of his visit. “They protect me, they protect our girls. A couple of knuckleheads shouldn’t detract from what they do. What they were thinking, I don’t know. That’s why they’re not there anymore.”

Twelve Secret Service employees and 11 military service members have been implicated in the misconduct ahead of Obama’s trip this month to Cartagena, Colombia, for an economic summit. The men are accused of heavy drinking, visits to strip clubs and payments to prostitutes.

Last week, the agency moved to oust six of the service’s employees, including two supervisors, and cleared a seventh of serious misconduct. On Tuesday, it made decisions on the other five, saying that two more had agreed to resign, two would retain their service employment but face demotion, and another would be recommended for dismissal but could work for other federal agencies.

Lawrence Berger, attorney for several employees who were recommended for removal, declined to comment on his clients’ cases.

As the investigation continues, differing accounts have emerged about the men’s alleged behavior on the night of April 11 and morning of April 12. Congressional officials briefed on the investigation have said some of the men argued that they did not know the women were prostitutes when they brought them back to the Hotel Caribe, where they were lodging, not far from the Hilton where Obama was scheduled to stay.

Blogger's Note:  If theses agents truly cannot discern who is a prostitute, while these women are actively working, I'm not sure they should have responsibility for the safety of the President of the United States.  In fact, I'm not sure that they should have a driver's license.



Workers Not Companies Are Paying for Their Health Care
When offering jobs to potential employees, employers reduce salary 
to account for the contributions they must make to health insurance premiums.

Published: April 22, 2012 at 5:33 PM

WASHINGTON, April 22 (UPI) -- U.S. employers don't pay for health insurance, workers do; the employer pays for health insurance from money allocated for payroll, researchers say.

Jonathan Kolstad, assistant professor at The Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, and Amanda Kowalski, an Okun-Model Fellow in Economic Studies, said when making hiring decisions, a company focuses on the total amount it spends on compensation, not the breakdown between salary and other benefits.

Health insurance as a part of employee compensation became popular during World War II when workers were needed for the war effort and the U.S. government instituted wage restrictions to reduce inflation.

Employers who needed to attract labor provided fringe benefits, such as pensions, health insurance, paid holidays and vacations. These benefits were considered non-inflationary, because they were not paid in cash and did not violate the wage ceiling imposed by the government.

Today, when offering jobs to potential employees, employers reduce salary to account for the contributions they must make to health insurance premiums, the researchers said. Potential employees then have to decide whether they are willing to work for lower wages and have health insurance, the researchers say.

"Given the fact that employer-sponsored health insurance is the primary source of healthcare coverage for most Americans age 65 and under most employees are," the researchers said in a Brookings Institute report. "Of course, the Affordable Care Act is not focused on those people. Instead, the individual mandate is intended to provide a nudge to people who have been unwilling or unable to obtain health insurance," because employers don't offer it or because it is too expensive to buy as an individual.

Thanks Barbara!

Tuesday, April 24, 2012

Leave it to a woman to keep the boys in line.

Paula Reid, at right, walks in a motorcade 
alongside President George W. Bush's limousine
By Annie Groer

“If every boss was Paula Reid, the Secret Service would never have a problem,” an ex-agent told The Washington Post about the rising star who runs the Miami office that oversees South America.

At 46, special agent Reid — who was with more than a dozen underlings in Cartagena, Colombia, doing advance work for President Obama’s trip to the mid-April Summit of the Americas — acted swiftly to get 11 allegedly errant colleagues out of that country and to investigate what happened.

In other words, this woman who always wanted to be in law enforcement is now working to uncover and address the mess of nearly a dozen men run amok.

“She’s the ultimate boss for that whole region,” one agent told The Post. “You did it in her house, so you better know she’s going to come down hard.”

Although intensely private, Reid is interested in diversity recruiting. “The general public is intrigued to see a black female in my position," she told the online newsletter “Women for Hire.” “They always need to confirm that I really am a special agent. I enjoy being a role model for women and minorities.

By now the details of the Colombian prostitute debacle are familiar: A shouting match erupted at the Hotel Caribe over payment after one agent gave a woman about $30 and she loudly demanded considerably more money. Other agents — who collectively raised about $225 in dollars and pesos to try to quiet her — had been carousing with a number of prostitutes after a night of boozy club-hopping that ended in various hotel rooms.

Marriage vows? A job that requires total concentration (free from hangovers and sex-romp insomnia) that might impede an agent's ability to take a bullet to keep a protectee safe? Missing in action, it would seem.

Which brings us to Reid, a 21-year Secret Service member who was staying at a different hotel but after arriving at the Caribe, quickly told superiors of “egregious” agent misconduct involving ladies of the night, some of whom may be minors.

The scream-fest triggered what The Post called “the public uncovering of the most wide-reaching scandal at the agency in decades, according to government officials involved in the case.”

With a Secret Service spokesperson by her side, Reid told The Post, “I am confident that as an agency we’ll determine exactly what happened and take appropriate action.”

Moreover, “despite this current challenge facing the Secret Service, my job is to keep Miami personnel focused on our core protective and investigative missions. Anything less is counterproductive to the many critical functions we perform each day.”

As a woman who once joined a race-discrimination lawsuit against the Secret Service but later dropped out of the complaint, Reid knows she runs the risk of job backlash from macho co-workers who may resent the firings and resignations of those involved.

There is also that not insignificant matter of bilateral finger-pointing going on from Capitol Hill to Cartagena, and all the media chatter in between.

Fortunately, Reid has admirers within the service. “The epitome of what a female agent should be,” a current colleague who has worked with Reid told The Post. “I wouldn’t be surprised if she becomes director one day.”

It could happen. It should happen. And if she were ever nominated, Reid could probably bank on bipartisan support from women in the House and Senate who know all about sexual impropriety among their male colleagues.

Last summer, when then-Rep. Anthony Weiner (D-N.Y.) was caught sexting photos of himself to several young women while his wife of 11 months was pregnant with their first child, Rep. Candice Miller (R-Mich.) had this to say about the reaction of female lawmakers:

“I’m telling you, every time one of these sex scandals goes, we just look at each other, like, ‘What is it with these guys? Don’t they think they’re going to get caught?’ ”

Clearly they do not.

Reid, who has never married but says she is very close to her family, grew up in Southern Maryland and earned a bachelor’s degree in criminal justice from the University of Maryland in 1988. She thought about becoming a lawyer or investigator before she attended an NAACP job fair that focused on law enforcement jobs for minorities.

She left her position at the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office to join the Secret Service, and for more than two decades, she quietly rose in the ranks. Along the way, she has sought to recruit other women and minorities.

“I can’t imagine not being in law enforcement,” she told Women for Hire as part of her outreach efforts. And yes, women are definitely up for the rigors of the job. “Women would not be remotely considered if we couldn’t do it physically — and we can.”

Wednesday, April 18, 2012

The Vatican’s Mob Murder Mystery


..The faint smell of incense and candle wax permeates the church of Sant’Apollinare near Rome’s famous Piazza Navona. The basilica is one of a handful of churches outside the walls of Vatican City owned by the Holy See. It is used primarily by members of the ultra-conservative Opus Dei prelature for special masses for student priests and for celebrations of marriage and baptism of those affiliated with the sect. Behind a side door near the back of the basilica is a small courtyard that’s closed to the public. There, in an external crypt near the ornate sarcophaguses of bishops and cardinals, is the curious tomb of Enrico “Renatino” De Pedis, a prominent member of the infamous Magliana organized-crime gang who was ambushed and murdered by rival gang members in 1990.

Why a known-mobster like De Pedis is buried on the grounds of a Vatican church has been the object of much speculation since 1997, when a church maid revealed the tomb’s existence to an inquisitive journalist. The Vatican was always cagey about why the mobster was buried in one of its churches, and ultimately, the church’s silence spurred countless conspiracy theories. Now, thanks to shocking Vatican letters leaked in the Vatileaks scandal that is rocking the Holy See, the Italian police are less interested in why he’s buried there. Instead, they want to open the tomb to see if the remains of 15-year-old Emanuela Orlandi are interred with those of the mobster.

Orlandi was the daughter of a prominent non-clerical Vatican employee who worked in the Vatican’s special events office that organizes papal functions and Catholic celebrations. She disappeared without a trace after leaving her Vatican apartment for music lessons on the afternoon of June 22, 1983. Her lessons were in a music school adjacent to Sant’Apollinare church, and the last witnesses to see her alive told investigators the girl crawled into a dark green BMW, though that lead could never be corroborated. Her disappearance came at a tense moment for the Vatican, and nearly everyone associated her presumed kidnapping with a wider scandal. In 1981, Mehmet Ali Agca, a Turkish gunman, shot Pope John Paul II, nearly killing him. Orlandi’s parents received a series of phone calls from thugs who said they would give back their daughter if the Vatican released Ali Agca. The calls soon stopped and the Orlandi family was left wondering if their daughter was alive or dead.

Another theory surfaced a year later, when an unidentifed tipster told police Orlandi was kidnapped to keep her father quiet. Mr. Orlandi, it was said, had stumbled upon sensitive documents that tied Roberto Calvi, known as God’s Banker for his close association with both the Holy See and its primary banking facility, Banco Ambrosiano, and to an organized-crime syndicate. Calvi had been found hanged under Blackfriars Bridge in London in 1982, and speculation was swiftly turning from suicide to homicide in that case. It made sense that if the elder Orlandi knew something, taking his daughter would surely seal his lips.

At the time of the teenager’s disappearance, the Vatican secret service firmly believed she was kidnapped to be used as leverage either by supporters of Ali Agca or Calvi. Last Saturday, the Vatican’s chief spokesman, Federico Lombardi, acknowledged they probably were wrong. “At the time, the authorities shared the prevailing opinion that the kidnapping might have been used by some obscure criminal organization to send messages or enact pressure in the context of the jailing and interrogation of the pope’s attacker,” he said.

But because the Vatican is a sovereign city-state, Italian police do not have jurisdiction to investigate so-called Vatican crimes. The investigation began in earnest again after a series of breaks in late 2004, but John Paul II died shortly after the new lead surfaced, and the thread was lost in the transition in leadership at the Holy See. In 2008, the case was opened again when the transcript of an Italian police interrogation with De Pedis’s lover tied the mobster to the girl’s disappearance. The lover told police the young girl was kidnapped on the orders of Archbishop Paul Marcinkus, who was then the head of the Vatican bank.

Marcinkus, an American, died in 2006, but records show that even the Vatican was suspicious of the priest. De Pedis’s lover said the death was to avenge a debt after the Vatican reneged on mafia loans secured by De Pedis, and that the girl’s body was dumped in a cement truck near the Roman seaside town of Ostia. De Pedis, having exacted his revenge, then forgave the loan in exchange for the prestigious burial plot inside the Vatican church, she said.

Now, the focus of the investigation has turned to the Vatican itself, and, according to revelations in a letter leaked to the Italian press last week, the Vatican is taking it very seriously. A three-page letter from Lombardi to church higher-ups indicated even he suspected a cover-up. In the letter, shown on Italian Rai Tre state television, Lombardi wrote of his concerns and asked how to address the press. “Was the non-collaboration [in the initial Orlandi investigation] normal and justifiable affirmation of Vatican sovereignty, or if in fact circumstances were withheld that might have helped clear something up.”

Italian magistrates are now wondering the same thing, and say they feel the Vatican may still be covering up vital information about Orlandi’s mysterious disappearance. They are picking up on a series of leads that stalled in 2005, starting with a tip from an anonymous caller to an Italian detective program Chi’l’ha Visto (“Who Has Seen”). The caller said Orlandi was kidnapped on the orders of the then vicar of Rome, Cardinal Ugo Poletti, and that “the secret to the mystery lies in a tomb in Sant’ Apollinare basilica.”

Last month, former Rome mayor and vice premier Walter Veltroni took up the case, asking the Italian interior ministry to ascertain whether the church of Sant’Apollinare is protected from Italian law or whether investigators could exhume De Pedis’s tomb. The Vatican quickly offered access to the tomb and suggested that perhaps moving the mobster’s remains was a way to quash speculation once and for all. But in an about-face this week, the prosecutors backed down and said they won’t be opening the tomb anytime soon—saying instead that it’s time for someone inside the Vatican to tell the truth. “There are those in the Curia who know elements of the circumstantial evidence,” Giancarlo Capaldo, assistant prosecutor in the case, said on Italian television. “There are people still alive, and still inside the Vatican, who know the truth.”

In the meantime Orlandi’s family is hoping investigators change their minds and open the tomb, even though De Pedis’s widow, Carla Di Giovanni, reportedly is the only person with keys, and now even she is under preliminary investigation in the nearly three-decade-old mystery and probably not feeling very cooperative.

“The declaration by the prosecutors that the truth is known in the Vatican is very heavy, but it’s overshadowed by the strange decision not to open De Pedis’s grave,” Orlandi’s brother, Peter, told La Stampa newspaper over the weekend. “Implicating the Holy See directly is a huge step forward. Now the Holy See has a moral duty to give a response after years of refusing to cooperate.”

But as long as it’s sealed, the mobster’s grave won’t give up any ghosts, or shed any light on the mystery.

..

Tuesday, April 17, 2012

Who is Michael P. Malone?
Corrupt F.B.I. Agent's Testimony
Sent Innocent Men to Prison

Jon C. Hopwood, Yahoo! Contributor Network
Dec 19, 2009 "Share your voice on Yahoo! websites. Start Here."

The testimony of Special Agent Michael P. Malone, an employee of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Crime Lab, was instrumental in convicting Donald Eugene Gates of a rape-murder he did not commit. After spending 27 years in prison, Gates was exonerated by a federal judge who denounced Malone and excoriated the Federal government for not revealing to him in a timely manner that Malone's testimony amounted to perjury.

The Washington Post, in its lead editorial on Friday, December 18, 2009, lambasted the office of the U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia for failing to report that it knew that Malone's testimony was bogus. Donald Gates finally achieving justice, but scores of others convicted with Malone's testimony are still in jail.

"Justice Delayed"

Donald Eugene Gates, a 58 year-old African American wrongfully convicted in 1982 of the rape-murder of Caucasian college coed Catherine Schilling, was exonerated by D.C. Superior Court Senior Judge Fred B. Ugast on December 18, 2009. Ugast, the judge who oversaw Gates' original trial, had earlier freed him after a DNA test revealed that he could not be the man who killed Schilling.

Due to the improper conduct of the U.S. Attorney's Office, which prosecuted the Gates case, Schilling's rapist-killer remains free.

The prosecution of Gates was heavily dependent on the testimony of F.B.I. Crime Lab analyst Michael P. Malone, an F.B.I. agent, who testified that two hairs found on Schilling's body came from an African American male. Schilling, a Georgetown University student, was murdered in 1981.

The Washington Post, in the lead editorial in its Friday edition that came out before Ugast exonerated Gates, quoted a statement Gates made at the time of his trial, 27 years ago: "I didn't kill her. I never saw her. I am sorry she died, because her death has ruined my life."

The Post editorial was entitled "Justice Delayed."

According to the Post, Judge Ugast was "appalled" by the fact that Malone's reliability as an expert has been discredited in 1997, but neither he or Gates' defense lawyers had been informed. Ugast was extremely angry that, in January 2002, the prosecutors had been informed that Malone's testimony in the Gates trial was bogus, yet they had done nothing about it.

Federal law mandates that the prosecutors should have revealed that the F.B.I. Crime Lab report conducted by Malone did not support his testimony at the trial.

A Victim of FBI Crime Lab Corruption

Donald Gates, who has always maintained that he was innocent of the crime, had been imprisoned for nearly 30 years until his release was ordered by Ugast earlier this week. Since the 1982 Gates trial, former F.B.I. Special Agent Michael P. Malone has become notorious as an unreliable and unethical expert witness who likely committed perjury in hundreds of trials, including the Jeffrey MacDonald trial.

Malone's conduct was first exposed by famed F.B.I. whistleblower Dr. Frederic Whitehurst, who now heads the National Whistleblower Center's Forensic Justice Project. Dr. Whitehurst first revealed the widespread corruption at the F.B.I. Crime Lab back in 1993, when he, too, was a Lab employee.

Whitehurst charged that Malone and other F.B.I. Crime Lab employees were not only manufacturing evidence to support prosecutors, but were engaged in providing perjured trial testimony. Malone had a profitable sideline as an expert witness whose testimony favored prosecutors.

A 1997 report from the Department of Justice's Office of the Inspector General validated Whitehurst's charges, and cited Malone as one of 14 F.B.I. Crime Lab that conducted inaccurate tests and made false reports. This is the report that Judge Ugast referred to when admonishing the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia, which should have informed him as the sentencing judge and Gates' attorneys that the testimony used to convict him had been called into question.

In his allegations that subsequently were supported by the OIG report, Dr. Whitehurst revealed that Malone had perjured himself and falsified evidence when testifying during the impeachment proceedings against federal judge Alcee Hastings. Now a U.S. Representative from Florida's 23rd Congressional District, Hastings' impeachment -- which was obtained with perjured testimony -- was used by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi in denying him the chair of a major subcommittee that has oversight of the intelligence community.

A Perjurer's Legacy

Facing Bureau discipline for his conduct in the Hastings case, Special Agent Michael P. Malone was allowed to retire from the F.B.I. and receive his pension. The Bureau apparently did not take any adverse action against him.

In contrast to the Bureau's treatment of Malone, Fred Whitehurst -- the man who blew the whistle on Crime Lab corruption and illegal activities by Lab employees -- was harassed by the F.B.I. and the Department of Justice. Whitehurst's wife, who also worked for the Bureau, was likewise victimized by the F.B.I.'s smear campaign against her husband.

In a classic case of the king killing the messenger bearing unwanted news, Dr. Whitehurst was driven from the F.B.I. After years of litigation, the government settled lawsuits targeting its unlawful conduct against Whitehurst for $1.46 million.

Speaking from the bench during the proceeding where he ordered that Donald Gates be released from jail, Judge Ugast termed the prosecution's conduct in the Gates trial as "outrageous." He demanded to know why it took the Office of the U.S. Attorney so long to investigate the use of phony evidence in the Gates case, in light of the knowledge that former Crime Lab analyst Malone has been revealed to be a serial perjurer who fabricated evidence.

Ugast ordered that all convictions in the District of Columbia that were obtained with testimony from Malone be reviewed.

Brady Report

A review of all the state and federal court convictions in which Michael P. Malone's testimony was involved is long overdue. Fred Whitehurst first revealed Michael Malone's malfeasance at the F.B.I. Crime Lab back in the early 1990s, and his charges were validated by the 1997 report by the Office of the Inspector General.

In the wake of the OIG report on F.B.I. Crime Lab corruption, the Department of Justice set up the Brady Task force to investigate all of the cases Malone and the other 13 lab examiners criticized in the report. The name of the task force refers to the Supreme Court case Brady v. Maryland, in which the High Court ruled that the prosecution must inform the sentencing judge and the defense when information such as Malone's perjured testimony comes to light.

The Brady Task force was terminated in 2002. No report was ever issued, and Congress was never informed of its findings. However, the Department of Justice informed the D.C. U.S. Attorney's Office as early as January 2004, according to Judge Ugast, of Malone's bogus testimony. The OIG report condemning Malone dated back to 1997.

Thus, Donald Eugene Gates languished in prison for five if not 12 years more than he should have. The Washington Post editorial "Justice Delayed," however, did not draw attention to the fact that scores of other prisoners have been condemned by Malone's testimony, and hundreds if not thousands of convictions were obtained by the manufactured evidence and perjured testimony of Malone and other F.B.I. Crime Lab employees.

A Scoundrel Rewarded

Ironically, after he retired under threat of disciplinary action that never came, Michael P. Malone continued his relationship with the Bureau. As an F.B.I. contractor, Malone conducts security clearance background checks. Clearly, the Bureau intended to reward him for his falsification of evidence and perjury.

The message the F.B.I.'s continued employment of Malone sends to other wrong-doers in the Bureau and the national security establishment is unmistakable. It also sends a warning to those whistleblowers, like Sibel Edmonds, to think before they reveal corruption. The safety of the United States suffers as a result.

Sources:

Associated Press: "DNA testing clears man who served 28 years"

Washington Examiner: "Man freed after 28 years in prison by DNA testing"

Washington Post: "DNA sets free D.C. man imprisoned in 1981 student slaying"

Washington Post: "Justice Delayed"

Are All FBI Agents Liars?
Defendants left unaware of flaws by FBI labs and agents, found in their cases

By , Tuesday, April 17,1:17 AM
Justice Department officials have known for years that flawed forensic work might have led to the convictions of potentially innocent people nationwide, but prosecutors failed to notify defendants or their attorneys even in many cases they knew were troubled.

Officials started reviewing the cases in the 1990s after reports that sloppy work by examiners at the FBI lab was producing unreliable forensic evidence in court trials. Instead of releasing those findings, they made them available only to the prosecutors in the affected cases, according to documents and interviews with dozens of officials.

In addition, the Justice Department reviewed only a limited number of cases and focused on the work of one scientist at the FBI lab, despite warnings that problems were far more widespread and could affect potentially thousands of cases in federal, state and local courts.

As a result, hundreds of defendants remain in prison or on parole for crimes that might merit exoneration, a retrial or a retesting of evidence using DNA because FBI hair and fiber experts may have misidentified them as suspects.

In one Texas case, Benjamin Herbert Boyle was executed in 1997, more than a year after the Justice Department began its review. Boyle would not have been eligible for the death penalty without the FBI’s flawed work, according to a prosecutor’s memo.

The case of a Maryland man serving a life sentence for a 1981 double killing is another in which federal and local law enforcement officials knew of forensic problems but never told the defendant. Attorneys for the man, John Norman Huffington, say they learned of potentially exculpatory Justice Department findings from The Washington Post. They are seeking a new trial.

Justice Department officials said that they met their legal and constitutional obligations when they learned of specific errors, that they alerted prosecutors and were not required to inform defendants directly.

The review was performed by a task force created during an inspector general’s investigation of misconduct at the FBI crime lab in the 1990s. The inquiry took nine years, ending in 2004, records show, but the findings were never made public.

In the discipline of hair and fiber analysis, only the work of FBI Special Agent Michael P. Malone was questioned. Even though Justice Department and FBI officials knew that the discipline had weaknesses and that the lab lacked protocols — and learned that examiners’ “matches” were often wrong — they kept their reviews limited to Malone.


FBI Agent Michael P. Malone

But two cases in D.C. Superior Court show the inadequacy of the government’s response.

Santae A. Tribble, now 51, was convicted of killing a taxi driver in 1978, and Kirk L. Odom, now 49, was convicted of a sexual assault in 1981.

Santae Tribble

Key evidence at each of their trials came from separate FBI experts — not Malone — who swore that their scientific analysis proved with near certainty that Tribble’s and Odom’s hair was at the respective crime scenes.


Kirk Odom

But DNA testing this year on the hair and on other old evidence virtually eliminates Tribble as a suspect and completely clears Odom. Both men have completed their sentences and are on lifelong parole. They are now seeking exoneration in the courts in the hopes of getting on with their lives.

Neither case was part of the Justice Department task force’s review.

A third D.C. case shows how the lack of Justice Department notification has forced people to stay in prison longer than they should have.

Donald E. Gates, 60, served 28 years for the rape and murder of a Georgetown University student based on Malone’s testimony that his hair was found on the victim’s body. He was exonerated by DNA testing in 2009. But for 12 years before that, prosecutors never told him about the inspector general’s report about Malone, that Malone’s work was key to his conviction or that Malone’s findings were flawed, leaving him in prison the entire time.


Donald Gates

After The Post contacted him about the forensic issues, U.S. Attorney Ronald C. Machen Jr. of the District said his office would try to review all convictions that used hair analysis.

Seeking to learn whether others shared Gates’s fate, The Post worked with the nonprofit National Whistleblowers Center, which had obtained dozens of boxes of task force documents through a years-long Freedom of Information Act fight.

Task force documents identifying the scientific reviews of problem cases generally did not contain the names of the defendants. Piecing together case numbers and other bits of information from more than 10,000 pages of documents, The Post found more than 250 cases in which a scientific review was completed. Available records did not allow the identification of defendants in roughly 100 of those cases. Records of an unknown number of other questioned cases handled by federal prosecutors have yet to be released by the government.

The Post found that while many prosecutors made swift and full disclosures, many others did so incompletely, years late or not at all. The effort was stymied at times by lack of cooperation from some prosecutors and declining interest and resources as time went on.

Overall, calls to defense lawyers indicate and records documented that prosecutors disclosed the reviews’ results to defendants in fewer than half of the 250-plus questioned cases.

Michael G. Bromwich, a former federal prosecutor and the inspector general who investigated the FBI lab, said in a statement that even if more defense lawyers were notified of the initial review, “that doesn’t absolve the task force from ensuring that every single defense lawyer in one of these cases was notified.”

Michael G. Bromwich, a former federal prosecutor and the inspector general who investigated the FBI lab said, “It is deeply troubling that after going to so much time and trouble to identify problematic conduct by FBI forensic analysts the DOJ Task Force apparently failed to follow through and ensure that defense counsel were notified in every single case.”

Justice Department spokeswoman Laura Sweeney said the federal review was an “exhaustive effort” and met legal requirements, and she referred questions about hair analysis to the FBI. The FBI said it would evaluate whether a nationwide review is needed.

“In cases where microscopic hair exams conducted by the FBI resulted in a conviction, the FBI is evaluating whether additional review is warranted,” spokeswoman Ann Todd said in a statement. “The FBI has undertaken comprehensive reviews in the past, and will not hesitate to do so again if necessary.”

Santae Tribble and Kirk Odom

John McCormick had just finished the night shift driving a taxi for Diamond Cab on July 26, 1978. McCormick, 63, reached the doorstep of his home in Southeast Washington about 3 a.m., when he was robbed and fatally shot by a man in a stocking mask, according to his widow, who caught a glimpse of the attack from inside the house.

Police soon focused on Santae Tribble as a suspect. A police informant said Tribble told her he was with his childhood friend, Cleveland Wright, when Wright shot McCormick.

After a three-day trial, jurors deliberated two hours before asking about a stocking found a block away at the end of an alley on 28th Street SE. It had been recovered by a police dog, and it contained a single hair that the FBI traced to Tribble. Forty minutes later, the jury found Tribble guilty of murder. He was sentenced in January 1980 to 20 years to life in prison.

Tribble, 17 at the time, his brother, his girlfriend and a houseguest all testified that they were together preparing to celebrate the guest’s birthday the night McCormick was killed. All four said Tribble and his girlfriend were asleep between 2 and 4:30 a.m. in Seat Pleasant.

Tribble took the stand in his own defense, saying what he had said all along — that he had nothing to do with McCormick’s killing.

The prosecution began its closing argument by citing the FBI’s testimony about the hair from the stocking.

This January, after a year-long effort to have DNA evidence retested, Tribble’s public defender succeeded and turned over the results from a private lab to prosecutors. None of the 13 hairs recovered from the stocking — including the one that the FBI said matched Tribble’s — shared Tribble’s or Wright’s genetic profile, conclusively ruling them out as sources, according to mitochondrial DNA analyst Terry Melton of the private lab.

“The government’s entire theory of prosecution — that Mr. Tribble and Mr. Wright acted together to kill Mr. McCormick — is demolished,” wrote Sandra K. Levick, chief of special litigation for the D.C. Public Defender Service and the lawyer who represents Gates, Tribble and Odom. In a motion to D.C. Superior Court Judge Laura Cordero seeking Tribble’s exoneration, Levick wrote: “He has waited thirty-three years for the truth to set him free. He should have to wait no longer.”

In an interview, Tribble, who served 28 years in prison, said that whether the court grants his request or not, he sees it as a final chance to assert his innocence.

“Ms. Levick has been like an angel,” Tribble added, “. . . and I thank God for DNA.”

Details of the new round of hair testing illustrate how hair analysis is highly subjective. The FBI scientist who originally testified at Tribble’s trial, Special Agent James A. Hilverda, said all the hairs he retrieved from the stocking were human head hairs, including the one suitable for comparison that he declared in court matched Tribble’s “in all microscopic characteristics.”

In August, Harold Deadman, a senior hair analyst with the D.C. police who spent 15 years with the FBI lab, forwarded the evidence to the private lab and reported that the 13 hairs he found included head and limb hairs. One exhibited Caucasian characteristics, Deadman added. Tribble is black.

But the private lab’s DNA tests irrefutably showed that the 13 hairs came from three human sources, each of African origin, except for one — which came from a dog.

“Such is the true state of hair microscopy,” Levick wrote. “Two FBI-trained analysts, James Hilverda and Harold Deadman, could not even distinguish human hairs from canine hairs.”

Hilverda declined to comment. Deadman said his role was limited to describing characteristics of hairs he found.

Kirk Odom’s case shares similarities with Tribble’s. Odom was convicted of raping, sodomizing and robbing a 27-year-old woman before dawn in her Capitol Hill apartment in 1981.

The victim said she spoke with her assailant and observed him for up to two minutes in the “dim light” of street lamps through her windows before she was gagged, bound and blindfolded in an hour-long assault.

Police put together a composite sketch of the attacker, based on the victim’s description. About five weeks after the assault, a police officer was talking to Odom about an unrelated matter. He thought Odom looked like the sketch. So he retrieved a two-year-old photograph of Odom, from when he was 16, and put it in a photo array for the victim. The victim picked the image out of the array that April and identified Odom at a lineup in May. She identified Odom again at his trial, telling jurors her assailant “had left her with an image of his face etched in her mind.”

At trial, FBI Special Agent Myron T. Scholberg testified that a hair found on the victim’s nightgown was “microscopically like” Odom’s, meaning the samples were indistinguishable. Prosecutors explained that Scholberg had not been able to distinguish between hair samples only “eight or 10 times in the past 10 years, while performing thousands of analyses.”

But on Jan. 18 of this year, Melton, of the same lab used in the Tribble case, Mitotyping Technologies of State College, Pa., reported its court-ordered DNA test results: The hair in the case could not have come from Odom.

On Feb. 27, a second laboratory selected by prosecutors, Bode Technology of Lorton, turned over the results of court-ordered nuclear DNA testing of stains left by the perpetrator on a pillowcase and robe.

Only one man left all four partial DNA profiles developed by the lab, and that man could not have been Odom.

The victim “was tragically mistaken in her identification of Mr. Odom as her assailant,” Levick wrote in a motion filed March 14 seeking his exoneration. “One man committed these heinous crimes; that man was not Kirk L. Odom.”

Scholberg, who retired in 1985 as head of hair and fiber analysis after 18 years at the FBI lab, said side-by-side hair comparison “was the best method we had at the time.”

Odom, who was imprisoned for 20 years, had to register as a sex offender and remains on lifelong parole. He says court-ordered therapists still berate him for saying he is not guilty. Over the years, his conviction has kept him from possible jobs, he said.

“There was always the thought in the back of my mind . . . ‘One day will my name be cleared?’ ” Odom said at his home in Southeast Washington, where he lives with his wife, Harriet, a medical counselor.

Federal prosecutors declined to comment on Tribble’s and Odom’s specific claims, citing pending litigation.

One government official noted that Odom served an additional 16 months after his release for an unrelated simple assault that violated his parole.

However, in a statement released after being contacted by The Post, Machen, the U.S. attorney in the District, acknowledged that DNA results “raise serious questions in my mind about these convictions.”

“If our comprehensive review shows that either man was wrongfully convicted, we will promptly join him in a motion to vacate his conviction, as we did with Donald Gates in 2009,” Machen said.

The trouble with hair analysis

Popularized in fiction by Sherlock Holmes, hair comparison became an established forensic science by the 1950s. Before modern-day DNA testing, hair analysis could, at its best, accurately narrow the pool of criminal suspects to a class or group or definitively rule out a person as a possible source.

But in practice, even before the “ ‘CSI’ effect” led jurors to expect scientific evidence at every trial, a claim of a hair match packed a powerful, dramatic punch in court. The testimony, usually by a respected scientist working at a respected federal agency, allowed prosecutors to boil down ambiguous cases for jurors to a single, incriminating piece of human evidence left at the scene.

Forensic experts typically assessed the varying characteristics of a hair to determine whether the defendant might be a source. Some factors were visible to the naked eye, such as the length of the hair, its color and whether it was straight, kinky or curly. Others were visible under a microscope, such as the size, type and distribution of pigmentation, the alignment of scales or the thickness of layers in a given hair, or its diameter at various points.

Other judgments could be made. Was the hair animal or human? From the scalp, limbs or pubic area? Of a discernible race? Dyed, bleached or otherwise treated? Cut, forcibly removed or shed naturally?

But there is no consensus among hair examiners about how many of these characteristics were needed to declare a match. So some agents relied on six or seven traits, while others needed 20 or 30. Hilverda, the FBI scientist in Tribble’s case, told jurors that he had performed “probably tens of thousands of examinations” and relied on “about 15 characteristics.”

Despite his testimony, Hilverda recorded in his lab notes that he had measured only three characteristics of the hair from the stocking — it was black, it was a human head hair, and it was from an African American. Similarly, Scholberg’s notes describe the nightgown hair in Odom’s case in the barest terms, as a black, human head hair fragment, like a sample taken from Odom.

Hilverda acknowledged that results could rule out a person or be inconclusive. However, he told jurors that a “match” reflected a high likelihood that two hairs came from the same person. Hilverda added, “Only on very rare occasions have I seen hairs of two individuals that show the same characteristics.”

In Tribble’s case, federal prosecutor David Stanley went further as he summed up the evidence. “There is one chance, perhaps for all we know, in 10 million that it could [be] someone else’s hair,” he said in his closing arguments, sounding the final word for the government.

Stanley declined to comment.

Flaws known for decades

The Tribble and Odom cases demonstrate problems in hair analysis that have been known for nearly 40 years.

In 1974, researchers acknowledged that visual comparisons are so subjective that different analysts can reach different conclusions about the same hair. The FBI acknowledged in 1984 that such analysis cannot positively determine that a hair found at a crime scene belongs to one particular person.

In 1996, the Justice Department studied the nation’s first 28 DNA exonerations and found that 20 percent of the cases involved hair comparison. That same year, the FBI lab stopped declaring matches based on visual comparisons alone and began requiring DNA testing as well.

Yet examples of FBI experts violating scientific standards and making exaggerated or erroneous claims emerged in 1997 at the heart of the FBI lab’s worst modern scandal, when Bromwich’s investigation found systematic problems involving 13 agents. The lab’s lack of written protocols and examiners’ weak scientific qualifications allowed bias to influence some of the nation’s highest-profile criminal investigations, the inspector general said.

From 1996 through 2004, a Justice Department task force set out to review about 6,000 cases handled by the 13 discredited agents for any potential exculpatory information that should be disclosed to defendants. The task force identified more than 250 convictions in which the agents’ work was determined to be either critical to the conviction or so problematic — for example, because a prosecutor refused to cooperate or records had been lost — that it completed a fresh scientific assessment of the agent’s work. The task force was directed to notify prosecutors of the results.

The only real notice of what the task force found came in a 2003 Associated Press account in which unnamed government officials said they had turned over results to prosecutors and were aware that defendants had been notified in 100 to 150 cases. The officials left the impression that anybody whose case had been affected had been notified and that, in any case, no convictions had been overturned, the officials said.

But since 2003, in the District alone, two of six convictions identified by The Post in which forensic work was reassessed by the task force have been vacated. That includes Gates’s case, but not those of Tribble and Odom, who are awaiting court action and were not part of the task force review.

The Gates exoneration also shows that prosecutors failed to turn over information uncovered by the task force.

In addition to Gates, the murder cases in Texas and Maryland and a third in Alaska reveal examples of shortcomings.

All three cases, in addition to the District cases, were handled by FBI agent Malone, whose cases made up more than 90 percent of scientific reviews found by The Post.

In Texas, the review of Benjamin Herbert Boyle’s case got underway only after the defendant was executed, 16 months after the task force was formed, despite pledges to prioritize death penalty cases.


Benjamin Boyle

Boyle was executed six days after the Bromwich investigation publicly criticized Malone, the FBI agent who worked on his case, but the FBI had acknowledged two months earlier that it was investigating complaints about him.

The task force asked the Justice Department’s capital-case review unit to look over its work, but the fact that it failed to prevent the execution was never publicized.

In Maryland, John Norman Huffington’s attorneys say they were never notified of the findings of the review in his case, leaving them in a battle over the law’s unsettled requirements for prosecutors to turn over potentially exculpatory evidence and over whether lawyers and courts can properly interpret scientific findings.

In Alaska, Newton P. Lambert’s defenders have been left to seek DNA testing of remaining biological evidence, if any exists, while he serves a life sentence for a 1982 murder. Prosecutors for both Huffington and Lambert claim they disclosed findings at some point to other lawyers but failed to document doing so. In Lambert’s case, The Post found that the purported notification went to a lawyer who had died.

Senior public defenders in both states say they received no such word, which they say would be highly unlikely if it in fact came.

Malone, 66, said he was simply using the best science available at the time. “We did the best we could with what we had,” he said.

Even the harshest critics acknowledge that the Justice Department worked hard to identify potentially tainted convictions. Many of the cases identified by the task force involved serious crimes, and several defendants confessed or were guilty of related charges. Courts also have upheld several convictions even after agents’ roles were discovered.

Flawed agents or a flawed system?

Because of the focus on Malone, many questionable cases were never reviewed.

But as in the Tribble and Odom cases, thousands of defendants nationwide have been implicated by other FBI agents, as well as state and local hair examiners, who relied on the same flawed techniques.

In 2002, the FBI found after it analyzed DNA in 80 selected hair cases that its agents had reported false matches more than 11 percent of the time. “I don’t believe forensic science truly understood the significance of microscopic hair comparison, and it wasn’t until [DNA] that we learned that 11 percent of the time, two hairs can be microscopically similar yet come from different people,” said Dwight E. Adams, who directed the FBI lab from 2002 to 2006.

Yet a Post review of the small fraction of cases in which an appeals court opinion describes FBI hair testimony shows that several FBI agents gave improper testimony, asserting the remote odds of a false match or invoking bogus statistics in the absence of data.

For example, in testimony in a Minnesota bank robbery case, also in 1978, Hilverda, the agent who worked on Tribble’s case, reiterated that he had been unable to distinguish among different people’s hair “only on a couple of occasions” out of more than 2,000 cases he had analyzed.

In a 1980 Indiana robbery case, an agent told jurors that he had failed to tell different people’s hair apart just once in 1,500 cases. After a slaying in Tennessee that year, another agent testified in a capital case that there was only one chance out of 4,500 or 5,000 that a hair came from someone other than the suspect.

“Those statements are chilling to read,” Bromwich said of the exaggerated FBI claims at trial.

Todd, the FBI spokeswoman, said bureau lab reports for more than 30 years have qualified their findings by saying that hair comparisons are not a means of absolute positive identification. She requested a list of cases in which agents departed from guidelines in court. The Post provided nine cases.

Todd declined to say whether the bureau considered taking steps to determine whether other agents intentionally or unintentionally misled jurors. “Only Michael Malone’s conduct was questioned in the area of hair comparisons,” Todd said. “The [inspector general] did not question the merits of microscopic hair comparisons as a scientific discipline.”

Experts say the difference between laboratory standards and examiners’ testimony in court can be important, especially if no one is reading or watching what agents say.

“It seemingly has never been routine for crime labs to do supervision based on trial testimony,” said University of Virginia School of Law professor Brandon L. Garrett. “You can have cautious standards, but if no one is supervising their implementation, it’s predictable that analysts may cross the line.”

‘Veil of secrecy’

A review of the task force documents, as well as Post interviews, found that the Justice Department struggled to balance its roles as a law enforcer defending convictions, a minister of justice protecting the innocent, and a patron and practitioner of forensic science.

By excluding defense lawyers from the process and leaving it to prosecutors to decide case by case what to disclose, authorities waded into a legal and ethical morass that left some prisoners locked away for years longer than necessary. By adopting a secret process that limited accountability, documents show, the task force left the scope and nature of scientific problems unreported, obscuring issues from further study and permitting similar breakdowns.

“The government has hidden behind the veil of secrecy to shield these abuses despite official assurances that justice would be done,” said David Colapinto, general counsel of the National Whistleblowers Center.

The American Bar Association and others have proposed stronger ethics rules for prosecutors to act on information that casts doubt on convictions; opening laboratory and other files to the defense; clearer reporting and evidence retention; greater involvement by scientists in setting rules for testimony at criminal trials; and more scientific training for lawyers and judges.

Other experts propose more oversight by standing state forensic-science commissions and funding for research into forensic techniques and experts for indigent defendants.

A common theme among reform-minded lawyers and experts is taking the oversight of the forensic labs away from police and prosecutors.

“It’s human to make mistakes,” said Steven D. Benjamin, president-elect of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers. “It’s wrong not to learn from them.”

More specifically, the D.C. Public Defender Service, Benjamin’s group and others said justice would be served by retesting hair evidence in convictions nationwide from 1996 and earlier. “If microscopic hair analysis was a key piece of evidence in a conviction, and it was one of only a limited amount of evidence in a case, would it be worthwhile to retest that using mitochondrial DNA? I would say absolutely,” said Adams, the former FBI lab director.

The promised review by federal prosecutors of hair convictions in the District would not include cases before 1985, when FBI records were computerized, and would not disclose any defendant’s name. That approach would have missed Gates, Odom and Tribble, who were convicted earlier.

Representatives for Machen, the FBI and the Justice Department also declined to say why the review should be limited to D.C. cases. The Post found that 95 percent of the troubled cases identified by the task force were outside the District.

Avis E. Buchanan, director of the D.C. Public Defender Service, said her agency must be “a full participant” in the review, which it has sought for two years, and that it should extend nationwide. “Surely the District of Columbia is not the only place where such flawed evidence was used to convict the innocent,” she said.


Staff researcher Jennifer Jenkins and database editor Ted Mellnik contributed to this report.