Wednesday, February 29, 2012

FANNIE LOU HAMER

"Nobody's free until everybody's free."


Born October 6, 1917, in Montgomery County, Mississippi, Fannie Lou Hamer was the granddaughter of a slave and the youngest of 20 children. Her parents were sharecroppers. Sharecropping, or "halfing," as it is sometimes called, is a system of farming whereby workers are allowed to live on a plantation in return for working the land. When the crop is harvested, they split the profits in half with the plantation owner. Sometimes the owner pays for the seed and fertilizer, but usually the sharecropper pays those expenses out of his half. It's a hard way to make a living and sharecroppers generally are born poor, live poor, and die poor.

At age six, Fannie Lou began helping her parents in the cotton fields. By the time she was twelve, she was forced to drop out of school and work full time to help support her family. Once grown, she married another sharecropper named Perry "Pap" Hamer.

On August 31, 1962, Mrs. Hamer decided she had had enough of sharecropping. Leaving her house in Ruleville, MS she and 17 others took a bus to the courthouse in Indianola, the county seat, to register to vote. On their return home, police stopped their bus. They were told that their bus was the wrong color. Fannie Lou and the others were arrested and jailed.

After being released from jail, the plantation owner paid the Hamers a visit and told Fannie Lou that if she insisted on voting, she would have to get off his land - even though she had been there for eighteen years. She left the plantation that same day. Ten days later, night riders fired 16 bullets into the home of the family with whom she had gone to stay.

Mrs. Hamer began working on welfare and voter registration programs for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).

On June 3, 1963, Fannie Lou Hamer and other civil rights workers arrived in Winona, MS by bus. They were ordered off the bus and taken to Montgomery County Jail. The story continues "...Then three white men came into my room. One was a state highway policeman (he had the marking on his sleeve)... They said they were going to make me wish I was dead. They made me lay down on my face and they ordered two Negro prisoners to beat me with a blackjack. That was unbearable. The first prisoner beat me until he was exhausted, then the second Negro began to beat me. I had polio when I was about six years old. I was limp. I was holding my hands behind me to protect my weak side. I began to work my feet. My dress pulled up and I tried to smooth it down. One of the policemen walked over and raised my dress as high as he could. They beat me until my body was hard, 'til I couldn't bend my fingers or get up when they told me to. That's how I got this blood clot in my eye - the sight's nearly gone now. My kidney was injured from the blows they gave me on the back."

Mrs Hamer was left in the cell, bleeding and battered, listening to the screams of Ann Powder, a fellow civil rights worker, who was also undergoing a severe beating in another cell. She overheard white policemen talking about throwing their bodies into the Big Black River where they would never be found.

In 1964, presidential elections were being held. In an effort to focus greater national attention on voting discrimination, civil rights groups created the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). This new party sent a delegation, which included Fannie Lou Hamer, to Atlantic City, where the Democratic Party was holding its presidential convention. Its purpose was to challenge the all-white Mississippi delegation on the grounds that it didn't fairly represent all the people of Mississippi, since most black people hadn't been allowed to vote.

Fannie Lou Hamer spoke to the Credentials Committee of the convention about the injustices that allowed an all-white delegation to be seated from the state of Mississippi. Although her live testimony was pre-empted by a presidential press conference, the national networks aired her testimony, in its entirety, later in the evening. Now all of America heard of the struggle in Mississippi's delta.

A compromise was reached that gave voting and speaking rights to two delegates from the MFDP and seated the others as honored guests. The Democrats agreed that in the future no delegation would be seated from a state where anyone was illegally denied the vote. A year later, President Lyndon Baines Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act.


FANNIE LOU HAMER, IN HER OWN WORDS

Tuesday, February 28, 2012

Rick Santorum's Fatwa

By Richard Cohen, Monday, February 27,7:51 PM

He wants religion returned to “the public square,” as opposed to contraception, premarital sex and abortion under any circumstances, wants children educated in what amounts to little red schoolhouses and called President Obama a “snob” for extolling college or some other kind of post-high school education.
But that’s not all. On the Sunday shows he even lit into John F. Kennedy’s famous 1960 speech to Protestant ministers in Houston, in which he called for the strict separation of church and state. Santorum said the speech sickened him.

“What kind of country do we live in that says only people of non-faith can come into the public square and make their case?” Santorum asked George Stephanopoulos on ABC’s “This Week.” “That makes me throw up.”

Earlier, he said, “I don’t believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute,” not noticing that he was speaking from what amounts to the public square.

Kennedy’s speech is actually a sad document, a necessary attempt to combat the bigoted and ignorant notion that a Catholic president might take orders from the Vatican. He told the ministers in attendance that he believed “in a president whose views on religion are his own private affair, neither imposed upon him by the nation, nor imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.”

Oddly, the assurances that Kennedy offered that day are ones that I would like to hear from Santorum. He, too, is a Catholic, although not of the Kennedy variety. Santorum is severe and unamusing about his faith, and that is his prerogative. But he has shoved his beliefs in our faces, leaving no doubt that his presidency would be informed by his extremely conservative Catholicism. Santorum’s views are too conservative even for most Catholics.

This is a perilous and divisive approach. We have all of world history to warn us about what happens when religion takes too prominent a role. The public square gets used for beheadings and the like. While that is not likely to happen now — zoning rules and such forbid it — we do know that layering religion over politics is dangerous. Santorum cannot impose — and should not argue — that his political beliefs come from God. That closes all debate and often infuriates those who differ.


This belief that religion has been banished from public discussion is a conservative trope without foundation. New York City is now recovering from a frenzy of celebratory publicity regarding the elevation of Timothy Dolan to cardinal. We have applauded the feats of Tim Tebow, the so-called praying quarterback, who seems unintimidated in publicly expressing his religious convictions. And, of course, we have the prattling of Newt Gingrich, who believes in belief and believes you and I ain’t got any — certainly not if we vote Democratic. As any European can attest, the American public square is soaked in religion or religion-speak.

Santorum’s views on the place of religion and his quaint ideas about education are so anachronistic they would be laughable. But whenever I start to giggle a bit, I find that some absurd statement resonates with Republican primary voters. On the other hand, when Rick Perry said it was fine to help the children of undocumented aliens go to college, he got pilloried for it. When Gingrich balked at deporting literally millions of people, he was excoriated. Every time some Republican says something sensible, the roof falls in on him.

But for nutty ideas, Santorum is a one-man band. His intellectually abhorrent defense of what might be called blue-collar culture — no education past high school — is a prescription for failure. What he calls their “desires and dreams” is a sucker’s game: Welcome to an economy that can provide few, if any, jobs for the minimally educated. And his jibe at Obama for wanting to do something about it is not politics as usual — it’s just plain irresponsible.

Rick Santorum is not, as some would have it, the Republican Party’s problem. The GOP is half the political equation, and so its inability to offer candidates of sound views and judgments is everyone’s problem. We have to vote for someone after all. But when I mull Santorum’s views on contraception, the role of women, the proper place for religion and what he thinks about education, I think he’s either running for president of the wrong country or marooned in the wrong century. The man is lost.


If you have a Google account (for, say, Gmail) and have not specifically located and paused the Web History setting, then the search giant is keeping track of your searches and the sites you visited. This data has been separated from other Google products, but on March 1 it will be shared across all of the Google products you use when Google's new privacy policy goes into effect.

If you'd like to prevent Google from combining this potentially sensitive data with the information it has collected from your YouTube, Google+, and other Google accounts, you can remove your Web History and stop it from being recorded moving forward.

After signing into your Google account, type https://www.google.com/history into your browser. (Alternatively, you can choose Account Settings from the pull-down menu in the upper-right corner of a Google product such as Gmail, Google+, or Google.com. From the Account Settings page, scroll down to the Services header and click on the "Go to web history" link.) If your Web History is enabled, you'll see a list of recent searches and sites visited. Click the gray Remove all Web History button at the top of the page and a subsequent OK button to clear your Web History.

Just the way I like it, empty and paused.  This action also pauses the Web History feature so that it will no longer track your Web searches and whereabouts. If you'd like to fire it back up, simply click the blue Resume button.

Wednesday, February 15, 2012

Michael Vick Went to Jail
In 1983, during a Romney family road trip from Boston to Ontario. With his wife, sons and luggage safely inside the station wagon, Mitt Romney infamously strapped Seamus, the family's Irish setter, into a specially made crate on the roof. Hours into the 12-hour drive, Mitt's oldest son, Tagg, noticed a "brown liquid running down the rear window," according to the Globe's Neil Swidey. Seamus had soiled himself, prompting Mitt to: pull off the highway, stop at a gas station, hose off Seamus and the car, return the dog to its rooftop crate, and get back on the road.

With Romney running for president in 2008 and now again in 2012, this story has often been used to highlight the former Massachusetts governor's knack for emotion-free problem solving. But even more than that, it has been used, fair or not, as a window into his character; many animal-rights advocates see it as proof he lacks empathy.

"I think Romney's attitude toward dogs was indicative of his attitude toward the most vulnerable in our society," picketer Al Alvarez told the AP Tuesday.

Tuesday's demonstration wasn't very big, ultimately drawing only "about a dozen protestors ... plus a few pooches," the AP reports. But DAR has a substantial online fan base, as suggested by its 27,000 Facebook likes, plus the rise of a Santorum-style Google war led by SpreadingRomney.com (which attempts to redefine "romney" as a verb meaning "to defecate in terror"). And despite its small turnout, the protest still drew widespread attention thanks to its high-profile backdrop, winning coverage in the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Politico and USA Today, among other outlets.

Later Tuesday, a spokeswoman for the American Kennel Club even chimed in, adding further clout to DAR's underdog campaign.

"The AKC promotes responsible dog ownership. Putting a dog in a crate for car travel is the first step toward responsible dog ownership," the AKC's Lisa Peterson said in a statement. "The second step would be to put that crate in a car."



“It is not a question of private belief,
but whether all citizens of this state have the same rights.”

By Miranda S. Spivack, Published: February 13

For years, Delman Coates wondered about his cousin, the childhood playmate he used to see at family get-togethers. The two went off to college and lost touch. Then, Coates learned from family members that his cousin was gay and had contracted HIV.

Within the family, neither issue was discussed openly.

But Saturday, 20 years after he last saw his cousin, Coates tracked him down by telephone in South Carolina and chatted for an hour during an emotional conversation.

“I apologized for participating in this conspiracy of silence,” said Coates, senior pastor at the 8,000-member Mount Ennon Baptist Church in Clinton.

The day before the call, Coates, 39, also spoke up when he testified with Maryland Gov. Martin O’Malley during a contentious hearing in Annapolis in support of a bill legalizing same-sex marriage. Coates is among few African American preachers in Maryland who support the bill, which puts him at odds with the majority in the black community, particularly in his home county of Prince George’s.

In a Maryland poll conducted in late January by The Washington Post, 59 percent of African Americans in Prince George’s said they oppose same-sex marriage, and 36 percent of them said they believe such marriages should be legal. Statewide, 53 percent of them were opposed, the poll showed.

Last year, Coates remained silent as the predominantly African American Prince George’s legislative delegation in Annapolis, pressured by many influential and large African American churches, provided crucial opposition that helped to scuttle the same-sex marriage bill.

Coates declined to discuss his own views of homosexuality. That, he said, would detract from what he sees as the real issue. “It is not a question of private belief,” he said, “but whether all citizens of this state have the same rights.”

To opponents, though, the matter of belief is exactly the issue. They say the Bible clearly teaches that homosexuality is a sin and that they are standing up for their religious beliefs. Their criticism of Coates’s stance has been loud and swift.

At the Friday hearing in Annapolis, Del. Emmett C. Burns Jr. (D-Baltimore County), an African American lawmaker opposed to same-sex marriage, wondered aloud what Gov. Martin O’Malley (D) might have promised Coates and the other African American minister from Baltimore who spoke up for gay rights. Over the weekend, Coates also received phone calls and text messages from black ministers questioning his position.

Pastor Ralph Martino of First Church of Christ in the District urged listeners of a local gospel radio station to visit Coates’s church to voice their disapproval. Coates said he realizes that some of his own members may disagree with the stance he has taken, but there has been little negative response from them.

After his first appearance with O’Malley on the issue at a press conference in late January, Coates took in more new members than usual for the three Sunday services beginning at 7:30 a.m. through about 1 p.m.

“It was our best Sunday in eight years,” said Coates, who has helped transform Mount Ennon from a small rural congregation into a bustling complex on Piscataway Road with parking lots bigger than football fields.

Coates said he was relieved but not particularly surprised. “The people in the pew,” he said, “are further along on this issue than those of us in the pulpit.”

Prince George’s County Council member Mel Franklin (D-Upper Marlboro), a member of the congregation, said that he, like many others, thinks marriage is a union between a man and a woman. But he said Coates’s position had not ruffled members. “I haven’t heard anything,” Franklin said last week.

For Coates, a Richmond native who holds a doctorate from Columbia University and also studied at Morehouse College and Harvard University, the decision to back same-sex marriage legislation is grounded in theology and civil law. He said that those who claim the Bible abhors homosexuality are misreading the text. Instead, he said, his study of theology and the Bible in original, ancient languages suggests that sexual abuse, violence and exploitation are being condemned.

But regardless of what people believe, he said, the issue is that gay partners should have the same civil liberties afforded all Maryland residents, such as the legal right to visit an ailing spouse in the hospital or pass along property.

“While the theological debate is an important one, it is for a different arena; namely, the pulpit, the seminary, the dinner table,” he said.

Supporting same-sex marriage will not compel religious organizations to perform such unions and will not interfere with the practice of religion, he said. To let the bill die again this year, he said, would create a troubling convergence of church and state.

“I think that using private, religious beliefs and local church practices for legislation establishes a dangerous precedent in America,” he said. “We have fought for inclusion, for freedom of religion, so that means if I want to be free to exercise my own religious beliefs, I have to extend that same courtesy and right to others, regardless of what I may think they do in private.”

Besides, Coates, said, the same-sex marriage debate is a distraction from more pressing issues: unemployment, lack of affordable housing, transportation and health care.

Joining public debate over a controversial issue is not new for Coates, who several years ago launched the “Enough is Enough” campaign against what he said were demeaning lyrics and images in music that degraded women and minorities.

A father of four children, Coates and his wife, Yolanda, an attorney, moved to Clinton in 2004. Previously, Coates, while earning his doctorate from Columbia, worked as a minister in Newark and became affiliated with Al Sharpton, who recently made a video for Marylanders for Marriage Equality supporting same-sex marriage.

Coates said he hopes his decision to encourage discussion about gay rights will help his congregation end what he called a tradition of “don’t ask, don’t tell” in the black community. And while he has no plans to perform same-sex marriages at his church, he said those who disdain gays and lesbians are ignoring the world around them.

“Gays and lesbians are part of our communities, they are part of our families, they are part of our church families,” he said. “I believe that the church ought to be a place where all people, regardless of their lifestyle, ought to be welcome.”
Black families struggle to achieve financial security
(more than any other racial group)
because of the circumstances of family members

By Ylan Q. Mui and Chris L. Jenkins, February 5 Washington Post

The Great Recession carried special pain for black women like Jane Ladson.

She had always been the one her family turned to when they needed help, and she didn’t hesitate to give it. She helped pay for weddings and rent. She made room for her nephew when her brother died of AIDS. And even now in her 50s, she took in a baby that wasn’t her own.

But help was easier to give when the economy was booming and Ladson was bringing home $4,000 a month as a mechanic at Amtrak. Even an injury on the job turned into a blessing in disguise when she collected a $700,000 settlement that allowed her to build her dream home in Clinton and help her longtime partner start her own hair salon.

Then the recession hit, and fate twisted the other way. A slip on the stairs of her home has kept her out of work since the spring. The hair salon struggled to keep customers. Ladson was forced to sell her car and fell behind on her mortgage. Foreclosure notices began replacing dinner invitations.

And yet, like so many other black women, Ladson continues to shoulder the burden of supporting her extended family of siblings, cousins, nephews and grandkids.

Across the country, black women are bearing a heavier responsibility for family and friends than their white counterparts, even as they struggle to emerge from an economic downturn that has hit them harder.

A survey by The Washington Post and the Kaiser Family Foundation reveals that black women have more trouble paying their bills or getting a loan than white women. And they are trying to regain their footing in a world where more than half feel as though they do not have the skills and education to compete for a job.

The Post-Kaiser poll of more than 800 black women is the most extensive exploration of the lives and views of African American women in decades. In nearly 20 extended interviews with women who participated in the survey, a picture of frustration and resilience emerged.

Nearly half of the women surveyed said they help out elderly relatives, and more than a third regularly assist friends or family with child care — outpacing white women in both cases.

That means the ongoing distress felt by black women can quickly ripple through their social networks. Black women may be the pillars of their communities, but the recession has left the foundation cracked.

“To depend on anybody, as far as I’m concerned, it’s just something I couldn’t think of,” Ladson said, tearing up. “I was sad that I couldn’t help anybody, but I was even sadder I couldn’t help myself.”

Responsibility to help family

Looking back, 57-year-old Ladson can see where things went wrong.

Her injury settlement enabled her to buy a home in the 1990s. But instead of paying off her mortgage, she participated in the boom in cheap loans in the years before the recession. In the black community in particular, fast and loose credit became widely available for purchases such as cars and homes, seemingly offering a pathway to the good life.

Besides, there were better things to do with the money, she thought at the time, such as investing in the overheated stock market and cruising to the Bahamas.

There were also her friends and family to think about. Her three-story home in the leafy subdivision of Mount Airy Estates became not only the gathering place for holidays and get-togethers, but also a refuge. The preteen nephew she took in is grown now, but he still drops by to help her put up decorations during the holidays. A framed photo of him wearing a cap and gown at his high school graduation sits prominently in her living room.

Three years ago, Ladson learned that Pat Body, her partner of 25 years, needed a safe place for her great-granddaughter to stay. The girl was just an infant, and Ladson was nearing retirement. But how could she say no?

Now, 3-year-old Kaila Kirksey refers to Ladson as Auntie Jane, and the dream house is filled with stuffed animals and plastic teacups, the television tuned to the Disney Channel.

According to the Post-Kaiser poll, 36 percent of black women said they regularly help friends or family with child care, compared with 24 percent of white women. And 49 percent said they regularly assist elderly relatives, while 39 percent of white women did.

That dynamic persists even though the economic boom has given way to a harsher financial reality. Nearly three-quarters of black women worry about not having enough money to pay their bills, more than white men or women. Black women are more than twice as likely as white women to report problems meeting their rent or mortgage payments. Twenty-nine percent had burdensome medical bills, compared with 22 percent of white women. Nearly a quarter of black women had trouble getting a loan, while just 16 percent of white women did.

The findings dovetail with previous research by economists and sociologists that consistently show that black middle-class families tend to provide financial help to family members — especially parents and siblings — at higher rates than other racial groups. A study last year by the Urban Institute found that African Americans are more likely to receive familial support than whites and Hispanics, although the dollar amounts tend to be smaller.

“I think many African Americans feel a special obligation to those family members who have not done as well,” said Margaret Simms, a fellow at the Urban Institute and director of the group’s Low-Income Working Families project, who led the organization’s study, which did not take gender into consideration. “When you have higher incidences of unemployment and poverty in the African American community, you find that their better-off kin will be more likely to give.”

Experts who have studied these trends said that black families’ generosity may come with consequences. A 2005 study by economists N.S. Chiteji and Darrick Hamilton found that black families, more than their white counterparts, struggle to build wealth because of the financial circumstances of their relatives.

“It may be that basic character traits like compassion and generosity combined with the tendency to have less fortunate relatives may actually explain the adverse outcomes experienced by some middle-class families,” said Chiteji, a professor of economics at Skidmore College in Saratoga Springs, N.Y.

Several women interviewed said they put their own plans on hold so they could help others. The Post-Kaiser poll found that 60 percent of black women have loaned money to friends or family, with the rate rising to 73 percent among those who earn $65,000 or more. Margaret Wilson, 49, from Little Rock, said that she used some of her retirement savings to help her sister and brother-in-law stave off foreclosure.

“She’s always been my baby sister, and I feel that responsibility,” she said. “It’s really as simple as that.”

Kathy James, 41, a married social worker from outside St. Louis, said her sister, Janice Francis, came to her for financial help after both she and her husband lost their jobs over the course of 18 months in 2008 and 2009. James said Francis, 47, and her husband saw their $125,000 annual household income slashed by 75 percent and were close to losing their home.

James offered to loan them six months of mortgage payments and other living costs while the couple got back on their feet — even though she had been saving the money to return to school for her master’s degree. The couple hasn’t been able to start repaying her yet, but James said she won’t charge her sister interest.

“It’s what you do as family, really, so I didn’t really think too much of it,” James said in an interview.

She said Francis was like a surrogate parent to her after their mother died when they were children. So, she said, she sees any help she offers her big sister and her family as part of the responsibility the sisters have to take care of each other, which they have been doing for nearly 40 years.

“My family is my community,” she said. “Of course I have to think about my family’s future and how we need to ensure we are okay . . . If I was faced with the decision 10 times again, I’d make the same decision again 10 times over.”

A financial setback

The fall came fast for Jane Ladson.

As poor investment decisions and unchecked spending ate away at her settlement money, Ladson ended up refinancing her mortgage and stripping the equity in her home. These types of shoddy loans helped drive the financial crisis, and several studies have found that black homeowners in particular were targeted. Ladson said she owes $308,000 on the house — more than she originally paid for it.

At first, paying the new mortgage wasn’t a problem. But in April, she slipped on the stairs of her home and tore the rotator cuff in her left shoulder. Ladson could barely lift the laundry basket, much less handle the heavy manual labor at Amtrak. Soon, like millions of Americans who found themselves laid off or unable to work in recent years, Jane felt the life she had spent the past two decades building start to slip from her fingers.

Among the first things to go was the Lincoln Navigator she bought during brighter times. Then came the foreclosure notices. By the fall, Ladson was standing in line for food baskets from local charities. She never told her friends or family how bad things got.

But some things remained inviolate, like day care for Kaila. Ladson was never late on a payment. She even bought Christmas presents for Kaila months in advance, in case her budget got tight at the end of the year.

On a recent morning at her home, Ladson lifted Kaila into her high chair for breakfast, ignoring the pain in her shoulder. Ladson quickly whipped up a batch of bacon and quarter-sized pancakes for Kaila and set them on her tray.

“Put your hands together,” Ladson instructed before Kaila could take a bite. “Dear Heavenly Father, thank you for this food.”

With Kaila safely occupied, Jane divided her attention between a second batch of pancakes on the griddle and a stack of thick envelopes about her disability benefits. Just before Christmas, her doctor told her she couldn’t go back to work.

Ladson sees the diagnosis as a temporary setback. She has five years to figure out a new game plan, thanks to a government program that temporarily lowered her mortgage payments. She remains resolutely optimistic about the future, mirroring a slight rise in the number of black women who are happy with their lives despite the obstacles they face.

Fifty-one percent of black women reported being “very satisfied” with their lives, according to the Post-Kaiser poll, up a bit from 46 percent in 2006. Satisfaction rates for white men and women decreased.

That’s why Ladson is still going to therapy, even though she can only afford treatment once a week. She has set a new goal: Return to work by the end of 2012.

On a gray winter morning while Kaila was in day care, Ladson used her arms to power a cycling machine at NovaCare Rehabilitation in Fort Washington. Only five minutes forward and five minutes backward, but soon she was grimacing in pain, sweat beading on her forehead. With 45 seconds left on the clock, Ladson paused for a break.

She isn’t clear on how much her disability checks will be; each letter from Amtrak seemed to provide a different estimate. She knows it won’t match the salary she made before the accident but hopes it is more than the limited payments she had been getting from her insurance company.

“If it’s less, I’m really not gonna make it,” Ladson said.

Too much was riding on her shoulders to give up hope of a job and the life she knew before. So Ladson started cycling again, even though only a few seconds were left on the timer.

Finally, it buzzed, and Ladson stopped to drink a glass of water, breathing heavily.

That was just the warm-up.



Polling manager Peyton M. Craighill and senior research analyst Kristina Meacham contributed to this report.

Wednesday, February 8, 2012



A Portrait of Black Women in America


By Krissah Thompson, Published: January 22 Washington Post

Rich or poor, educated or not, black women sometimes feel as though myths are stalking them like shadows, their lives reduced to a string of labels.

The angry black woman. The strong black woman. The unfeeling black woman. The manless black woman.

“Black women haven’t really defined themselves,” says author Sophia Nelson, who urges her fellow sisters to take control of their image. “We were always defined as workhorses, strong. We carry the burdens, we carry the family. We don’t need. We don’t want.”

In a new nationwide survey conducted by The Washington Post and the Kaiser Family Foundation, a complex portrait emerges of black women who feel confident but vulnerable, who have high self-esteem and see physical beauty as important, who find career success more vital to them than marriage. The survey, which includes interviews with more than 800 black women, represents the most extensive exploration of the lives and views of African American women in decades.
 
Religion is essential to most black women’s lives; being in a romantic relationship is not, the poll shows. Nearly three-quarters of African American women say now is a good time to be a black woman in America, and yet a similar proportion worry about having enough money to pay their bills. Half of black women surveyed call racism a “big problem” in the country; nearly half worry about being discriminated against. Eighty-five percent say they are satisfied with their own lives, but one-fifth say they are often treated with less respect than other people.

The poll’s findings and dozens of follow-up discussions reflect the conversations black women are having among themselves at church halls after Bible study, at happy hours after work, in college lounges after listening to lectures by the likes of Nelson, 45, who five years ago quit her job at a big D.C. law firm to write a book, “Black Woman Redefined.”

She often tells young black women to forget what the outside world projects for them and be bold: “You can play this however you want to. You’re living in the age of Michelle Obama.”

It is a time in which one-third of employed black women work in management or professional jobs, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and a record number are attending college. Black women with college degrees earn nearly as much as similarly educated white women. The number of businesses owned by black women has nearly doubled in the past decade to more than 900,000, according to census figures. Just Friday, Wal-Mart named Rosalind Brewer chief executive of Sam’s Club, making her the first African American to be chief executive for a business unit of the world’s largest retailer.

It is an age in which young black women see more options for themselves than ever. They can run a cable network (like Oprah Winfrey), lead a Fortune 500 company (like Xerox’s Ursula Burns), become an international pop icon (like Beyonce). Secretary of State? Condi Rice has been there, done that.

But even in this “age of Michelle Obama,” black women are rethinking the meaning of success and fulfillment. Many are concluding that self-empowerment is the road to happiness, and happiness does not require a mate.

“I can go to school. I can be successful. I can make money. I can have a career. That is in my power to control,” says Towan Isom, 39, who owns a public relations firm in the District. “Finding a husband — that would be great, but that’s not in my power to control.”

Forty percent of black women say getting married is very important, compared with 55 percent of white women. This finding is among a number of significant differences in the outlooks and experiences of black and white women, according to the poll. Here are others: More than a fifth of black women say being wealthy is very important, compared with one in 20 white women. Sixty-seven percent of black women describe themselves as having high self-esteem, compared with 43 percent of white women. Forty percent of black women say they experience frequent stress, compared with 51 percent of white women. Nearly half of black women fear being a victim of violent crime, compared with about a third of white women.

“We have depth. We have pain. We have bad. We have good. We have complexity,” says Beverly Bond, a disc jockey based in New York and founder of the philanthropic effort Black Girls Rock! “We need to see the well-roundedness of who we are. We need to see everyone.”

Asha Jennings Palmer says black women are too often viewed as flashy, provocative, eye-catching — imagery that makes her cringe.

“According to the stereotype, African American women — educated women — are b------, and they run men out of their lives because they are so mean and they don’t want a man and blah, blah,” says Palmer, an Atlanta lawyer who helped lead protests of rapper Nelly’s controversial “Tip Drill” video when she was a student at Spelman College. “My law firm has no African American female partners. It has to do with how we are seen. And our value is based on what the media shows the world we are.”

History of exclusion

Black women were once described as the “mules of the world” by Zora Neale Hurston, whose biting literature made her one of the most influential black writers of the early 20th century. Her reference to mules — the workhorses of the American South — pointed to the backbreaking manual labor that black women were expected to perform and the limits placed on their vocations.

Throughout history, black women have been overrepresented in the workforce compared with other women and have come to embrace work as an enduring part of their sense of self, says Constance C.R. White.

“Career for black women has always been about economic necessity and also a sense of economic destiny,” says White, editor of the nation’s oldest black women’s magazine, Essence.

Following the civil rights movement, black women moved from manual labor and domestic work, where they had been concentrated, into a wider range of professions. In 1977, Patricia Roberts Harris became the first black woman to lead a department of the federal government, entering the line of succession for the U.S. presidency. When Harris was appointed to head the Department of Housing and Urban Development, she said her gender and race made her a “two for one” and called the hoopla around her nomination the result of “tragic exclusion.”

At the same time, poor black women were disparaged as “welfare queens,” a depiction that took root during Ronald Reagan’s unsuccessful 1976 presidential campaign. Reagan, without specifically citing race, repeatedly told the story of a “welfare queen” from Chicago’s South Side who drove a Cadillac, had 80 aliases and brazenly ripped off the government for benefits. Journalists tried to track down the cheat, but the truth was less salacious. One South Side woman was convicted of stealing less than $10,000.

Some black women say they still feel the weight of this history of exclusion and the lingering doubts about their abilities and worth.

Jennifer Smith, a senior at the University of Maryland, has been accepted into six prestigious medical schools. She is an honors student, a sorority president, an ambassador for the university. Yet she sometimes feels unwitting pressure to prove she belongs.

“You still have to make sure you lay all of your credentials out there — your transcript, your portfolio, your résumé. They show why I am here,” says Smith, who entered Maryland on a full academic scholarship dedicated to minority students. “I always want it to be clear that I got here because of what I did.”

As Smith looks to become a doctor, she says, her mind sometimes turns to the insidiousness of racism. “These days, it’s so infiltrated into the system,” she says. “It’s hidden now.”

Black women who don’t have a long list of credentials behind their names, those who aren’t regarded as “superstars,” sometimes feel their climb is too steep. In fact, a quarter of black women surveyed in the Post-Kaiser poll said they often perceive that others think they are not smart. This perception is shared by both educated and less-educated black women.

“Despite miraculous income and educational gains for generations, the social and economic advancement of black women has always been precarious,” says Paula J. Giddings, who teaches at Smith College and has written about the political and social history of black women. “All of our wealth and all of the generational aspiration can disappear — just evaporate — if you lose your house, your health, if you have to take care of a needy family member or if you can’t get that loan to continue college.”

Staring down obstacles has become routine — what some black women described as a “make-it-happen” attitude.

Comedian and actress Loni Love grew up in Detroit’s red-brick Brewster housing projects with a single mother who had that disposition. She worried about everything from the threat of violence to whether there would be enough food on the table.

“Mom was a nurse’s aide,” says Love, who headlines comedy shows around the country. “She worked in various hospitals. She took care of us that way, and we ate government cheese. I survived. Black women know that we’ve got to take care of it — so we take care of it. It’s just embedded in us.”

Nearly six in 10 black women say they worry about providing a good education for their kids. Part of that worry stems from the legacy of segregation and discrimination in the country that prevented many black families from accumulating wealth to pass down to succeeding generations. But there is also this, according to interviews with black women: Many were not raised to expect that they could marry a fairy-tale Prince Charming who would take care of them, provide for the family, leave them with no worries.

“In our upbringing, we’re not raised to be princesses,” says Virginia Boateng, a budget analyst who works for the Education Department. “We’re told, ‘Yes, you are pretty, but you better have something for yourself.’ ”

The marriage discussion

Introduce marriage, and you enter one of the most tender discussions black women are having among themselves. Are African American women choosing career over romance? Are single black women lonely? Is there a shortage of eligible, desirable black men? Can black women have it all?

“This idea that there are no successful single black men — we’ve been hearing that since Terry McMillan’s ‘Waiting to Exhale,’ ” says Janell Hobson, an associate professor of women’s studies at Albany State University. “It’s almost as if to say Michelle Obama may have Barack Obama, but you black women can’t have the same thing.”

Hobson, who is 38 years old and single, has no plans to settle. But she has to contend with her worried aunties asking at every family gathering, “Still no one, huh?” She answers politely and says she is not stressed.

Love, the comedian, who also is single, says there is no point focusing on what she doesn’t have. “A lot of people say you’re going to be lonely. No, you will adjust,” Love says, adding that she enjoys her life, which includes partying and going on cruises, without anyone accompanying her.

Nika Beamon, a television news producer in New York who turned 40 last year, likes to say, “I didn’t work this hard to get married.” She imagined that she would have a husband and children by now but is satisfied with how things have turned out. She owns her home, has had long monogamous relationships and loves her gig. She has looked into adoption and plans to start a family. In the Post-Kaiser poll, 63 percent of black women said it is acceptable to have a child without being married, roughly the same percentage as white women.

“I’m not afraid to make the choices that will make my life happy,” Beamon says. “I may have to do it differently, but so what? I’m still going to get it. I’m not going to settle for a life that is less simply because it doesn’t happen exactly the way I want.”

Black women are increasingly open to looking beyond the pool of black men for mates. Sixty-seven percent of unmarried black women in the Post-Kaiser poll say they would be willing to marry someone of another race. But thus far, that willingness is not matched by experience.

According to a 2010 study by the Pew Research Center that looked at the rates of interracial marriage among newlyweds in 2008, just 9 percent of black women married a spouse of a different race — a rate that was less than half that of black men.

The reasons for the gap between black women’s interest in interracial marriage and their rates of interracial marriage are complex, according to experts who have researched the subject. Studies of online dating, for instance, have shown that black women are less likely than other women to receive messages of interest from men of other races. Researchers attribute that to a social hierarchy that still undervalues them and unflattering stereotypes of black women — loud, aggressive — that remain in the popular culture.

Other single black women have real concerns about the dating scene. A promising black female undergraduate student whom Hobson counseled about her prospects for doctoral studies last year said she was not pursuing graduate school because she feared spending time on an advanced degree might mean she would end up unmarried. It may sound nonsensical, but it has been a long time since black women have thought of college campuses as the place to find a soul mate. Black women have outpaced black men at universities for more than three decades, a development that is now universal: Women of all races and ethnicities outnumber men on college campuses.

Smith, the 21-year-old University of Maryland senior, says many of her female friends are reluctant to express the truth about their love lives. “You have these driven black women here,” Smith says, “and sometimes . . . you really don’t want to talk about, ‘Oh, I haven’t had a boyfriend since high school.’ It makes you seem weak.”

Breaking down stereotypes

In a small townhouse in an Upper Marlboro cul-de-sac live five single black women — three generations of one family.

The eldest is 69-year-old Ruth Lawrence Driver, whom her granddaughters call “Gammy.” In the summer of 1993, Driver and her only child, Tracie Gaines Nelson, moved in when they were divorcing their husbands at the same time. It’s where Nelson’s two teenage daughters, Alani and Niya, have grown up. The fifth woman is Driver’s 63-year-old cousin, who moved in last year to save enough money to return to college and finally get the degree that had eluded her for nearly three decades.

The house in Prince George’s County also is a place where its occupants wrestle, sometimes uncomfortably, with the stereotypes of black women.

Among the favorite television shows of Alani, 17, and Niya, 16, is “Bad Girls Club,” which is about a group of young women who move into a house in a new city for a few months. On the show, the black girls are often the most dramatic — yelling, screaming, cursing.

“They try to make us seem so mean,” Alani says.

She and her sister also watch hip-hop music videos where black women’s primary role is as gyrating backdrops to male rappers. And then there are “Basketball Wives,” “Real Housewives of Atlanta” and “Love and Hip Hop,” all reality-TV programs in which the stars are back-stabbing, conniving, bickering figures you’d hope your grandchildren would never want to be.

“I hope it’s just a passing fad, that they won’t internalize all of these images,” Driver says. “On one of the shows, there were two grown women ready to jump up and fight.”

Nelson talks to her daughters about the differences between reality and fantasy and looks for positive images of black women to put before them. She enrolled Alani in debutante classes organized by her sorority last year and sent Niya to a leadership workshop at which she met black lawyers and businesswomen.

And the teenagers have models of ambition and assertiveness right at home. Their Gammy attended segregated primary schools in North Carolina, where teachers used old textbooks handed down from white schools. She attended a historically black university in 1960 and flourished in spite of the racism and sexism that was present all around her. Now, she is a retired teacher who takes water aerobics classes, goes hand dancing at a nearby senior center and attends church every Sunday.

And the girls’ mom? She also went to a black college, and she studied for her master’s degree in social work while raising two daughters alone. Now, she is a social worker with a tightknit group of black sister-friends. But even with an advanced degree and a respectable job, she could not comfortably support her daughters as a single mother without the help of her mother. Like nearly three-quarters of the black women in the Post-Kaiser survey, Nelson sometimes worries about having enough money to pay her bills. She is constantly telling her daughters to search for careers that will pay them six figures, hoping they will have more financial comfort than she does.

“If a paycheck is missing, they are going to feel it,” Nelson says.

In this townhouse of women, what they feel most is love. There’s always been more laughing than yelling.

“Living in a household of women is portrayed to be this horrible place, but it’s not,” Alani says. “It’s hard sometimes.”

Her sister interrupts. “There are a lot of lessons that come out of this house.”

Alani, a high school senior with average grades and a natural talent for art, received one of those lessons last year when she told her mom that she was not interested in enrolling in a four-year university.

That prompted her mother to shout, “You will go to college!” And that was followed by more yelling that no daughter of hers was going to ruin generations of progress. Tears were shed. Alani relented. And she has begun applying to colleges.

“I didn’t know it was such a big thing,” she says.

Her younger sister has also promised to go to college.

“It’s important to me that they see that they are building upon a foundation,” Nelson says. “We have to continue to build each generation. It’s important for our uplift as a people and our uplift as women.”

Friday, February 3, 2012


By Petula Dvorak, Thursday, February 02,9:52 PM Washington Post

The Virginia Senate passed a bill Wednesday requiring women who are about to have a legal abortion to get an ultrasound first. The woman is supposed to be shown the image and will have to sign a waiver if she chooses not to take a look.

Should they also make the women listen to some lullabies? Smell some baby powder?

This legislation is nothing but bullying.

And the biggest bully on the playground this week wore pink. The Susan G. Komen Foundation, in a thinly veiled attack on abortion, withdrew its funding to Planned Parenthood for breast cancer screenings.

Yes, the folks who sell you all those hats, tote bags and special-edition teas covered in pink pulled their funding for the screenings at Planned Parenthood, which basically means breast cancer prevention for a lot of low-income people.

You think an assault on women’s ta-ta health isn’t enough? How about we take on the Girl Scouts, too?

My colleague Robert McCartney just wrote about the war against the Girl Scouts.

Churches in Northern Virginia and other parts of the country have kicked out Girl Scout troops after a virulent smear campaign linking them to an international scouting association and every single reference either group has ever made to Planned Parenthood.

The anti-Girl Scout campaign is being pushed by stuff like this: “100 Questions for the Girl Scouts” on http://www.familywatchinternational.org/.

“Why did the Girl Scouts feature Marie Wilson, staunch abortion supporter and defender of Planned Parenthood as a keynote speaker at a national Girl Scout convention?”

Um, maybe because Wilson is the co-founder of Take Our Daughters and Sons to Work Day and because she is the author of “Closing the Leadership Gap: Why Women Can and Must Help Run the World.”

This is complete insanity. And all of it threatens things that are good — even vital — for women. Meanwhile, the work that needs to be done to help prevent unwanted pregnancies — real sex education and easy access to birth control — is being marginalized.

And the work that needs to be done to bolster good parenting — real child care, equal pay for mothers and flexible work time for all families — is being ignored.

No wonder there’s a backlash erupting. The Pink Bully is getting blasted big time online.  Even author/icon Judy Blume chimed in: “Susan Komen would not give in to bullies or to fear. Too bad the foundation bearing her name did. Support @PPact. Save lives,” tweeted the author of “Are You There God? It’s Me, Margaret.”

Thousands of women rushed to support Planned Parenthood. The organization received $650,000 in 24 hours.

Women have had enough and have struck back in some pretty interesting ways. Buying Girl Scout cookies is an easy and yummy way to make a statement. (Thin Mints as political protest!) But take a look at this maneuver by Virginia state Sen. Janet D. Howell (D-Fairfax) on the odious ultrasound legislation.

Virginia state Sen. Janet D. Howell (D-Fairfax) proposed a “his” version of the bill, with some requirements for Viagra prescriptions:

“Prior to prescribing medication for erectile dysfunction, a physician shall perform a digital rectal examination and a cardiac stress test,” Howell said, reading the amendment aloud. “Informed consent for these procedures shall be given at least 24 hours before the procedures are performed.

“I just think we should have a little gender equity here,” Howell added.

You want to hear the real kicker? The amendment fell short by just two votes. Keep messing with us, and the next time it might pass.


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