The Cry of the True Republican
By
JOHN G. TAFT
Five generations of Tafts have served our nation as unwaveringly stalwart Republicans, from Alphonso Taft, who served as attorney general in the late 19th century, through William Howard Taft,
who not only was the only person to be both president of the United
States and chief justice of the United States but also served as the
chief civil administrator of the Philippines and secretary of war, to my
cousin, Robert Taft, a two-term governor of Ohio.
As I write, a photograph of my grandfather, Senator Robert Alphonso
Taft, looks across at me from the wall of my office. He led the
Republican Party in the United States Senate in the 1940s and early
1950s, ran for the Republican nomination for president three times and
was known as “Mr. Republican.” If he were alive today, I can assure you
he wouldn’t even recognize the modern Republican Party, which has
repeatedly brought the United States of America to the edge of a fiscal
cliff — seemingly with every intention of pushing us off the edge.
Throughout my family’s more than 170-year legacy of public service,
Republicans have represented the voice of fiscal conservatism.
Republicans have been the adults in the room. Yet somehow the current
generation of party activists has managed to do what no previous
Republicans have been able to do — position the Democratic Party as the
agents of fiscal responsibility.
Speaking through the night, Senator Ted Cruz, with heavy-lidded,
sleep-deprived eyes, conveyed not the libertarian element in Republican
philosophy that advocates for smaller government and less intrusion into
the personal lives of citizens, but a new, virulent strain of empty
nihilism: “blow it up if we can’t get what we want.”
This recent display of bomb-throwing obstructionism by Republicans in
Congress evokes another painful, historically embarrassing chapter in
the Republican Party — that of Senator Joseph McCarthy, chairman of the
Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, whose anti-Communist
crusade was allowed by Republican elders to expand unchecked,
unnecessarily and unfairly tarnishing the reputations of thousands of
people with “Red Scare” accusations of Communist affiliation. Finally
Senator McCarthy was brought up short during the questioning of the
United States Army’s chief counsel, Joseph N. Welch, who at one point
demanded the senator’s attention, then said: “Until this moment,
Senator, I think I never really gauged your cruelty or your
recklessness.” He later added: “Have you no sense of decency, sir? At
long last, have you left no sense of decency?”
Watching the Republican Party use the full faith and credit of the
United States to try to roll back Obamacare, watching its members
threaten not to raise the debt limit — which Warren Buffett rightly
called a “political weapon of mass destruction” — to repeal a tax on
medical devices, I so wanted to ask a similar question: “Have you no
sense of responsibility? At long last, have you left no sense of
responsibility?”
There is more than a passing similarity between Joseph McCarthy and Ted
Cruz, between McCarthyism and the Tea Party movement. The Republican
Party survived McCarthyism because, ultimately, its excesses caused it
to burn out. And eventually party elders in the mold of my grandfather
were able to realign the party with its brand promise: The Republican
Party is (or should be) the Stewardship Party. The Republican brand is
(or should be) about responsible behavior. The Republican party is (or
should be) at long last, about decency.
What a long way we have yet to go.
John G. Taft is the author of “Stewardship: Lessons Learned From the Lost Culture of Wall Street.”
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In Utah, tea party favorite Sen. Lee faces GOP backlash over government shutdown
Video:
Speaking on the Senate floor before a vote to raise the debt ceiling and
end the government shutdown last week, Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) made no
apologies for trying to defund and delay Obamacare. "This is not over,"
he said.
By Philip Rucker,
Published: October 22
SALT LAKE CITY — When Mike Lee toppled longtime Republican Sen. Robert F. Bennett here in 2010, it was the tea party’s first big triumph. But now, after a 16-day government shutdown, it’s Lee who faces a revolt within his own party.
Utah, one of the most Republican states in the nation, has a
long tradition of being represented by pragmatic, business-minded
conservatives in the U.S. Senate. Lee broke that pattern by governing as
an ideological firebrand — standing alongside Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) in
the push for a shutdown in a failed bid to undermine President Obama’s
health-care law.
As a result, Lee’s approval ratings in Utah have cratered, and
prominent Republicans and local business executives are openly
discussing the possibility of mounting a primary challenge against him.
Top Republicans are also maneuvering to redesign the party’s nomination
system in a way that would likely make it more difficult for Lee to win
reelection in 2016.
To hear grievances with Lee’s no-compromise, no-apology governing style,
just head to the executive floor of Zions Bank, founded by Mormon
settler Brigham Young. Bank President A. Scott Anderson, who raised
money for Lee three years ago, sat in his corner office this week
harboring second thoughts.
“I think people admire him for sticking
to his guns and principles, but I think there are growing
frustrations,” Anderson said. “If things are to happen, you can’t just
stick to your principles. You have to make things work. . . . You’ve got to be practical.”
Spencer
Zwick, a Utah native and national finance chairman for Mitt Romney’s
2012 presidential campaign, was more direct, calling Lee a “show horse”
who “just wants to be a spectacle.”
“Business leaders that I talk
to, many of whom supported him, would never support his reelection and
in fact will work against him, myself included,” Zwick said.
If Lee is worried, he isn’t showing it. The freshman senator
strongly defended the strategy of demanding that Democrats agree to
defund the new health-care law, commonly known as Obamacare, or see the
government shut down.
“This fight was worth fighting,” said Lee,
42, a lawyer whose father served as U.S. solicitor general during the
Reagan administration. “The country wasn’t built by fighting only those
battles where victory was certain.”
This battle has taken a toll on his popularity, however. A Brigham Young University survey conducted during the shutdown found that 57 percent of Utahans wanted Lee to be more willing to compromise. The senator’s approval rating dropped to 40 percent — down from 50 percent in June — with 51 percent disapproving. At the same time, the online poll found, the vast majority of Utah residents identifying with the tea party still backed Lee.
Lee waved off the findings. “The only number I worry about is how many people are being hurt by Obamacare,” he said.
But
Lee acknowledged that voters disapproved of the shutdown — especially
in Utah, where the federal government is the largest employer. Shuttered
national parks hurt the tourism industry and thousands of workers at
military installations were furloughed.
“I
understand that people in Utah — and people in America, for that matter —
don’t like fighting in Washington,” Lee said. “But if we don’t have
these fights, nothing changes.”
Lee came to office as part of the 2010 tea party wave,
benefiting from Utah’s unique nomination system in which delegates
chosen at neighborhood caucuses pick the party’s candidates at a state
convention rather than in a primary.
Establishment figures in Utah have long loathed the convention
system and are launching a well-funded effort to change it. A bipartisan
group including former governor Michael O. Leavitt (R), a George W.
Bush Cabinet official and close Romney adviser, has launched Count My Vote, a ballot initiative to overhaul Utah’s nominating process. The group has raised more than $500,000, most from major GOP donors.
A
shift to an open primary could hurt Lee, who supports the convention
system because his most passionate supporters are the conservative
activists who become delegates. Rich McKeown, a longtime Leavitt aide
and chairman of the effort, insisted that Count My Vote is designed not
to target the senator, but rather to enlarge the voting population over
the long term.
One beneficiary could be Thomas Wright, who stepped down this spring
as chairman of the Utah Republican Party. Wright said he is considering
running against Lee in 2016 because he has grown “exasperated” with the
junior senator’s governing style.
“We can’t keep going on like
this,” Wright said. “I want to work with people to get things done. I
want to go be a leader and build bridges, not burn them down.”
Former
state senator Dan Liljenquist and Josh Romney, one of Mitt’s sons, have
also been mentioned as possible challengers, Utah Republicans say.
Liljenquist enjoyed tea party backing when he ran unsuccessfully against
Sen. Orrin G. Hatch (R) in last year’s primary.
Liljenquist
criticized Lee’s handling of the shutdown. “I’m struggling to see what
was gained from it for Utah,” he said. “An all-or-nothing approach makes
people uncomfortable here.”
Although Cruz attracts more attention, Lee is one of the main intellectual forces behind the tea party in Washington. His Utah supporters say they’re proud that he is uncompromising.
“He’s
done everything he said he was going to do — one of the rare
politicians, I might add, who has kept all of his promises,” said David
Kirkham, a tea party organizer who unsuccessfully challenged Utah Gov. Gary R. Herbert (R) last year.
But Lee has not cultivated the party’s business and establishment wings. Consider John Price, a businessman who once sat on the Republican National Committee and later served in Africa as an ambassador under Bush.
“With
Mike Lee, no matter how many times I see him, he still doesn’t know who
I am,” Price said. “He treats me like I don’t exist.”
Former
Republican governor Jon Huntsman Jr., a 2012 presidential candidate who
once employed Lee as counsel in the governor’s office, said Lee has
bucked a trend of senators who work to grow this small state in a way
that makes people proud.
“You don’t have ideological wack-jobs,”
Huntsman said. “For all of its labeling as a red state, underneath it
all Utah is a pretty pragmatic Western state, a just-get-it-done ethos.”
Many business leaders here said they wish Lee were more like Hatch, a conservative with a penchant for working across the aisle.
In a statement, Hatch said the two “might not always agree,” but he did
not criticize Lee. “There’s a unity of purpose amongst all Republicans
that Obamacare is a dog of a law,” Hatch said.
In the budget
debate, Lee championed repealing a medical-device tax that is part of
the health-care law. So, one might imagine the senator would find
support at Merit Medical, an international device manufacturer based in
the Salt Lake City suburb of West Jordan.
In an interview at Merit’s headquarters, chief executive Fred Lampropoulos called the tax “egregious” and “unfair.” But he also said Lee’s crusade went too far.
“I’m
an Army officer and I’m a businessman,” said Lampropoulos, a major GOP
fundraiser. “Tactics and strategy are very important. You’ve got to pick
your fights.”
Asked whether he would back Lee’s reelection,
Lampropoulos leaned back in his leather chair and sat silent for about
20 seconds. “He has to convince me to vote for him again,” he said.
